Josir Cardoso Gomes, Marco André Feldman Schneider, Ethical Perspective on Classifications of Religions: The Protestant Rise in Brazil in:

International Society for Knowledge Organziation (ISKO), Marianne Lykke, Tanja Svarre, Mette Skov, Daniel Martínez-Ávila (Ed.)

Knowledge Organization at the Interface, page 78 - 87

Proceedings of the Sixteenth International ISKO Conference, 2020 Aalborg, Denmark

1. Edition 2020, ISBN print: 978-3-95650-775-5, ISBN online: 978-3-95650-776-2,

Series: Advances in Knowledge Organization, vol. 17

Bibliographic information
Josir Cardoso Gomes – IBICT, Brazil Marco André Feldman Schneider – IBICT, Brazil Ethical Perspective on Classifications of Religions The Protestant Rise in Brazil Abstract This paper aims to make a comparative review on the classification of religion of the Brazilian Census in 2010, with a specific attention on the protestant groups and denominations. Classifying religions is an arduous task and there is no consensus on the best way to classify them. In fact, there is not even consensus on what differs religion, denomination, sect or cult. Clearly there are ethical issues when the classification seeks to hierarchize or make one given religion more “developed” than another or simply the action of concealment of certain religions within the category "Others". Our analysis starts from the usual bibliographic classification schemes (CS) such as Universal Decimal Classification (UDC) and the Dewey Decimal Classification (DDC), but it also seeks to investigate the used schemes in China, India and other nations with a huge population but not aligned with the Western cultures in the global north. We point the need of ethical perspectives of classification and the necessity to be careful in order to respect cultural issues and not to allow any kind of prejudice, especially in the religious aspect and in the self-determination of religious minorities who do not accept or understand certain categorizations of their beliefs. The case of the 2010 Census is then detailed, bringing with it the context where there has been continued growth in Protestantism since 1970 in Brazil and their steadily rising influence on politics. It also shows the difficulty in determining which groups make up the Protestants according to the methodological choices of the institution that conducts the Census (IBGE). 1.0 Introduction This paper is part of a doctoral research in Information Science, in progress, over political campaign funding and protestant politicians performances in Brazil. The analysis of who these political actors are and how they influence national politics is a matter of great relevance in the Political and Social Sciences today. The understanding of how government managed elections data, how political campaign funding data are made available and how society's appropriation of this data occurs are issues to which the Information Science methodological and theoretical apparatus can contribute. Considering the recent years have been the longest period in Brazil in which a democratic regime has been able to operate in a relatively stable manner,1 researches that analyse the drivers that strengthen or threaten democracy are welcome on Social and Political Sciences. One of the main aspects that influenced the country’s political scene was the growth of evangelical influence groups, the so-called “Bancada Evangélica” (Evangelical Parliamentary Front). These “Bancada” imposed a conservative agenda that seeks to contest the secularity of state and restrict minority rights and civil liberties (Carranza and Cunha 2018) and, on the last presidential campaign, they actively supported the election of the current far-right president Jair Bolsonaro. This influence is not an isolated phenomenon in Brazil. The presence of evangelicals in politics has been taking place for more than three decades in all of Latin America (Freston 2008). 1 Since the beginning of the Republic in 1891, which was proclaimed and governed by the military in its first 8 years, until the constitution of 1988, Brazil went through brief democratic periods interspersed with two dictatorial regimes: the Dictatorship of the “Estado Novo” when Getulio Vargas ruled from 1930 to 1946 and the Civil-Military Dictatorship from 1964 to 1985. 79 In fact, the generic term “evangelical” does not reflect the multiplicity of social, economic, religious and moral groups that fit within this religious segment. However, in Brazil, according to Mafra, “[…] given the public visibility this segment has gained in public opinion, a certain consensus has been forged by referendum on the term ‘evangelical’ as a comprehensive category” (Mafra 2001, 7). It is worth noting that the generic term “evangelical” used in Brazil is the same as “Protestant” in the USA and Europe, while “Protestant” in Brazil is similar to “Main Lane Protestant Church” in the USA (Mafra 2001). As the Brazilian Census is one of the most used scientific classification instrument of religion studies in Brazil, a comparative review of how it classifies religions can bring relevant contributions to the studies over the processes of constructing knowledge organization systems of religion, also to theoretical and empirical studies of religion and its relation to politics. Effectively, who are those Christian groups that appear on the political scene? Do they represent the population contingent that calls itself evangelical? Are they homogeneous or is there a prominent protestant denomination that leads this movement? To start to answer those questions, the first step is to identify how part of the recommended literature and the bibliographic schemes classify Religion and then how Christian denominations are classified in relevant classifying schemes in the world. This paper details how this research is starting to work with these questions, in an introductory exploratory overview. 2.0 The method This study is an exploratory, qualitative, theoretical and documental research. It aims to make a comparative review of the classification of religion used in the Brazilian IBGE Census of 20102, with a specific attention on the protestant groups and denominations. It compares the traditional bibliographic classification schemes on Dewey Decimal Classification (DDC), Universal Decimal Classification (UDC) and Colon Classification (CC), showing their similitudes and differences with the classification constructed by the Brazilian Census. The bibliographic research explored specially three sources: the classifications 1) of religions in different and influent bibliographic schemes; 2) of the Protestants on specialized literature; 3) of the Protestants in the Brazilian census. 3.0 Religion Classification “Omnis determinatio est negatio” (Spinoza cited in Lenin 2011, 111). Every determination excludes, in purely logical terms. In ethical and political terms, what means each consecrated set of determinations, as the main bibliographic classifying schemes? Which contending worldviews operate in each case, for what reasons, with what consequences? Classifying religions is an arduous task. There is no consensus on the best way to classify them. In fact, there is not even consensus on what differs religion, denomination, sect or cult (Liebman, Sutton, and Wuthnow 1988). The most widely used CS in the West stem from European culture, created at the height of Imperialism Era, before the 2 IBGE. 2011. Censo Demográfico 2010: Características Gerais da População, Religião e pessoas com deficiência 80 Second World War. Christian religions were the main ones in the reality in which Dewey and Otlet lived, while Asia, Africa and Latin America (the now called Global South) were exclusively suppliers of raw material to Europe and USA. That hegemonic culture was reflected on both CS: DDC and UDC just constructed the Religion class (named 200 on both schemas) reserving the majority of sub-classes dedicated to Christianity and reserves the “Others” (290) to all other religions, putting together ancient religions (Greek and Roman Mythology) in the same level of Islam, Hinduism or Buddhism. Indeed, the UDC was more inclusive than the DDC because it specified much more religions on its main classification schema. Nevertheless, it kept the same structure giving most of the main classes dedicated to Christianity. It may not be fair to blame the librarians and professionals of that time who participated in the making of the classification schemes. Pragmatically, how many books related to Hinduism, Islam or the religions of China or Japan arrived on the Western countries? Would it be rational to classify religions according to their importance if the number of documents arriving in the libraries (and to the classifiers) was minimal? For instance, in UDC there was a whole classification section to Judaism (with 49 subclasses) while other religions with many more believers at that time did not have such relevance. Was there a political or socio-economic influence to include so many subclasses in the Judaism scheme? Or were there simply more documents about Judaism in Western libraries, since the Jewish presence in the West was relevant at the beginning of the 20th century and because Christianity itself came from Judaism, maintaining with Judaism an ambiguous bur intense relationship throughout the centuries? These schemas based mainly on Christian classes changed when Ranganathan built the Colon Classification (CC). That classification, for the first time, represents eastern religions in detail. Apparently, the classification proposed by the CC listed the religions in a historical order, i.e., ordering the oldest religions in the first positions of the classification scheme. However, it was not possible to find a bibliographic reference that would make explicit the choice for this methodological option. As can be seen in Table 1, CC was very concise classifying the Christian religions. One can note that, in the same way that the CDD and the CDU did not perform a greater detailing for the other Eastern religions, the CC did the same for Christianity. In the comparative table, we deliberately emphasize the terms sects, movements, denominations and churches in order to demonstrate how such terms appear without apparent criteria. We also analysed how the Chinese system performed the classification on religions. Although its use is restricted to China, it has great relevance since China has one sixth of the world population. Still in the 20th century, just after the Communist Revolution in China, four different classification schemes were created, each for different purposes. The four systems had, however, a common basis quite distinct from the Western Aristotelian vision. While Western CS work philosophy as their first hierarchical item, the Chinese classification brings Marxism as its first class and the class of religion appears as a mere appendix to the class of Philosophy. In the 1970s, there was an effort to create a single CS carried out by the University of Beijin, but this new system still keeps the same ideological bases as the four initial systems (Studwell, Wu, and Wang 1994). Unfortunately, during this literature review, it was not possible to verify deeply the classification of religions within the Chinese system, but it was interesting to verify the lack of relevance of the subject. 81 Indeed, several studies addressed how biased the western classification schemas are when the subject is religion. Vanda Broughton identified three main areas where bias can occur: “an illogical order, or distribution of notation, that causes one system to appear as dominant, use of vocabulary that has a strong flavour of one system or is special to that system and inadequate provision of detail other than for the 'favoured' religion” (Broughton 2000). The author notes, however, that it is possible to minimize the bias through the use of facet analytical techniques and that the most recent UDC revision of Class 2 can be compounded and can achieves a better degree of specificity. Idrees and Khalid (2009) wrote a study on the Islam classification and proposed amendments and expansion in order to give a better guidance to LIS professionals. Finally, the article by McIlwaine and Mitchell (2006) first at ISKO Conference and then replicated in one of the UDC's own reports, suggested ways to minimize the impact of classification bias through an auxiliary table listing religions in chronological order, i.e., from the oldest to the newest religions. In the same article, they agreed with Broughton that the revision of UDC class 2 would bring benefits to such classification system. Table 1: Christian Religions Equivalence between CDD, CDU and CC3 CDD CDU CC 281 Early church and Eastern churches 281 Primitive Churches. Eastern Churches. 61. Early Churches 281.93 Russian Orthodox Church 618. Russian 281.94 Greek Orthodox Church 611. Greek 613. Armenian 282 Roman Catholic Church 282 Roman Catholic Church 62. Roman Catholic 283 Anglican churches 283 Episcopal Churches – not Roman Catholic (Protestants) 283(410.1) Anglican Church 283(73) Episcopal Church on USA 283.5 Old Catholics (?) 284 Protestant denominations of Continental original 284 Continental Protestant Sects 63. Protestant 284.1 Luterans 284.2 Calvinists 284.3 Utraquistas. Tabortas. 284.4 Coterões. Gazaristas. 284.5 Huguenotes. French Movements 284.6 Moravian Brothers. Hernutos. 284.98 Old Lutherans. Free Lutheran church 285 Presbyterian churchs, Reformed centered in America 285 Puritanism 65. Puritanism 285.1 Presbyterian Churches 64. Presbyterian 285.8 Brownists. Barrowists. 3 The CDU that we accessed was in Portuguese. We translated the terms to English. But we could not find the English word of some of them (Coterões, Hernutos, Utraquistas and Tabortas) for them. 82 286 Baptist, Disciples of Christ, Puritanism 286 Movements that accentuate the baptism of Adults by immersion 286.12 Anabaptists. Menonists. 286.15 Baptists. 286.3 Adventists. 286.4 Other movements. Campbellistas. Christ Disciples (USA) 287 Methodist churches 287 Methodist 68L6. Methodist 289 Other denominations and sects 289 Other Movements 289.3 Mormons 289.4 New Jerusalem (Swedenborg) 289.6 Quakers 66. Quakers 289.954 Jeovah Witnesses 289.956 Liberal Catholic Church 4.0 Protestant Classification Issues People who profess the Christian faith and are part of religious groups or churches that emerged from the Protestant reform initiated by Luther in the 16th century are generally called Protestants or evangelical. However, how to categorize a sect or church created in the 21st century? From the same theological dogmas of the original groups or just from the self-denomination of its representatives? For example, according to Pew Report “Global Christianity” (2010), there were 801 million Protestants in the world and they represented 37% of the global Christian population. The report categorized Christianity in four major groups: Orthodox, Catholic, Protestants and “Other Christians”. The latter group refers to all Christian religions that do not fit into the first three. The classification of Catholics and Orthodox seems to be easy to accomplish, as they are churches that have well-defined theological, historical and geographical attributes over almost 18 centuries. However, how to make the difference between Protestant and other types of Christians, that are quite emblematic as Mormons, but who make a stand of not being classified as Protestants? Such difficulty in categorizing the Protestants was noted from the beginning of the study of Protestantism. One of the most respected bibliographies on the subject was the Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism, by the German sociologist Max Weber. In this work, Weber tried to catalogue the various groups of Protestants that existed in his time and already indicated the difficulty in performing such categorization: “we can only do this by presenting religious ideas with the logical consistency of an "ideal type", which is only rarely found in historical reality. Precisely because of the impossibility of drawing clear boundaries in historical reality, our only hope in researching the most coherent of its forms is to tune in with its more specific effects.” (Weber 1999, 90). The author categorized the Protestants into five major groups (Lutherans, Calvinists, Pietists, Methodists and Anabaptists), based on the moral dogmas that each group followed. The interesting categorization adopted by Weber came from the need to perceive which groups fit more in the so-called spirit of capitalism, the new ethics that had emerged in the same historical period as the Protestant reform and that became stronger precisely in the countries that embraced capitalism with more intensity. In other words, 83 the methodological option of categorization had the objective of understanding how the new capitalist ethos was strengthened in each group.4 Bringing the discussion to present time, the Pew Institute uses two kinds of categorization: by movement and by denomination. The first one categorizes Christians in three major movements: Pentecostals, Charismatics and Evangelical and the criterion used for this categorization is based on the central dogmas of each religious group, independent of the historical and geographical context. The second one, by denomination, categorizes them by their history and origin. This last CS is the only one that resembles the bibliographic classification. In Brazil, the term Protestant is used usually on the academic and specialized contexts. As we noted on the introduction, non-Catholic Christian are generally called “evangélicos”. Mainstream media and everyday talking usually refer to them as “crentes” (believers), in a pejorative connotation. However, this so-called evangelical population is heterogeneous from a theological, economic and political point of view. Historically, the arrival of the first evangelicals in Brazil coincided with the opening of the ports with the coming of D. João and the permission for other religions than the Catholic to settle in the Portuguese colony. However, this first wave of Protestants had only the objective of serving the foreigners who arrived together with the Portuguese court and the act of evangelization was very timid. It was only in the 1910s that the first missionaries arrived in Brazil with the intention of evangelizing the population. The Assembly of God and the Christian Congregation were founded at that time (Mariano 2004). The second significant wave of protestants began to take root in the 1950s and 1960s with the founding of the “Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular” (Foursquare Gospel Church) and then the “Brasil para Cristo” (Brazil for Christ), “Deus é Amor” (God is Love) and “Casa da Bênção” (House of Blessing) churches. Specifically, the Foursquare Gospel Church began to act with greater force, and as Mariano attests, “besides the emphasis on healing, this Pentecostal aspect was noted for the intense use of the radio and the itinerant preaching with the use of canvas tents” (2004, 123). From the end of the 1970s on, the number of evangelicals started to grow expressively with the emergence of the so-called Neo Pentecostal churches. Originating from Methodism, this new aspect of Protestantism brought a new form of philosophy: the so-called Prosperity Theology, which moved away from the asceticism of the Methodists and brought a new form of belief that valued material goods. In general terms, it defines that the greater man's faith, the greater his material prosperity. Unlike the traditional churches that had their origins in European countries and the USA, this new side of Protestantism grew out of churches shaped by Brazilian pastors and some of these churches became corporations with enormous financial, media and political capacity. The most common nomination of them is Neo-Pentecostals. Among these churches, we should highlight the “Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD)” (Universal Church of the Kingdom of God), the “Graça de Deus Internacional” (Grace of God International), Sara Nossa Terra (Heal Our Earth) and “Renascer em Cristo” 4 Keeping in mind this Weberian methodological option, we also ask about the relation between nowadays capitalist’ ethos and the many protestant groups in Brazil, from a critical study of the political performances of the politicians that are supposed to represent them. A complementary methodological approach, so, is to relate ethos and ideology, in the sense of false consciousness. This is to say, morality as a lure to obtain votes. We will come back to this point sooner. 84 (Reborn in Christ). Still according to Mariano, in the 80's alone the IURD grew 2,600% and at the end of the 90's it was estimated that it had more than 2 million followers (2004, 125). The organization controls the 2nd largest TV station in Brazil, hundreds of radio concessions and since then it has expanded internationally: in 2001 it was already present in 80 countries, having more than 1000 temples (Oro 2004). 5.0 The IBGE Census The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) is a public institute of the Brazilian federal administration and the main provider of country’s demographic data. As stated on their site, “such information meets the demands of several types of segments of civil society, as well as the bodies at the federal, state and municipal level”. And one of their main missions is to conduct the National Census which occurs every 10 years. As far the research goes, just 6 countries (Brazil, Canada, México, Peru, Jamaica and Haiti) on South, Central and North America conducted a religion inquiring during their National Census. All other countries on the continent rely on private institutes to estimate how many practitioners exists and what are their religion. The research had focus just on this 3 sub-continents because it will be very time consuming to do it to all countries of the world. An interesting case occurs on the United States where there is a specific law that prohibits the National Census to conduct any inquiry about religion. The law promulgated in 1950 came at the same time as the horrors of Nazism were discovered after the end of the second world war, and the concern that the State might distinguish its citizens on the basis of their religion may have been the cause of the implementation of the law. However, during the research, no evidence was found that the motivation for such law occurred because of the Jewish Holocaust. Since 1872, the Brazilian census had included a question on Religion and until 1970 the Roman Catholic reigned absolute with 91,8% of the population declared themselves Catholic. However, after the 1991 Census, there were significant changes in the religious composition for the first time when there was a growth in the number of respondents who declared themselves evangelical. In the 1980s, the percentage of the population segment that declared itself evangelical was only 6.6% and rose to 9.0% in the following decade, and up to the present time the share of the evangelical population continues to grow steadily: according to the 2010 census, the Brazilian total population was made up of 22.2% evangelicals. There was also a slight growth of those who have declared themselves to be spiritists and of all other religions but the most notable fact is that the Catholic population have been diminished in a regular pace. Due to this new scenario, IBGE has sought a more appropriate categorization of existing religions, relying on the advice of a Brazilian NGO specialized in Religion called ISER (Institute of Religious Studies).5 Founded during the 1970s, ISER has a tradition not only in the area of religion but also in the defence of human rights, public security and the environmental issues. It regularly publishes two renowned peer reviewed journals in the area and books about religion and human rights, in addition to promoting ecumenical meetings among the various religious representatives. The schema they elaborated starts with three main classes: Traditional Protestants, Pentecostals and Others. The traditional protestants are 5 85 those from European and North American origin, the Pentecostals are those created by Brazilian pastors and “Others” are those who don’t fit on the first two categories. The application of the categorization was much criticized at the time. The methodological choice of ISER was concerned with naming the churches but the census technician could not identify the church in a proper way. As the census form came with an open question: "What is your religion?" without offering a list of options, the critics were in doubt as to how the interviewee would have answered and how precise the technician who wrote down the answers would reproduce what was said (Camurça 2014). Given the controversy, ISER asked IBGE for the database with the individual responses of the respondents (even if anonymized) so that it would be possible to assess how accurate the collection was. However, IBGE denied the request. The final categorization used and numbers collected by the Census was summarized in Table 2. In this table it is possible to see that the name of the Pentecostal churches appears differentiated from the religions categorized as Churches of Mission. The latter are the churches that appear in both the CDD and the CDU. It is worth noting the significant number of the “Evangelical undetermined” category, which represents more than 20% of all non-Catholic Christians. If we add up the number of ‘Evangelicals of Pentecostal origin – others’, the percentage rises to 33% of the total number of Evangelicals. That is, this number confirms a great pluralism among the evangelicals. One possibility was that many faithful adherents of stigmatized groups chose not to declare their attachment to a specific church, even more because during the census period there were many corruptions scandals linked with evangelical politicians and struggles in the evangelical milieu (Sottani 2010). Table 2: Protestant churches according to IBGE Census 2010 Churches of Mission Population % Luteran Church 999.498 2,00 Presbiterian Church 921.209 1,84 Metodist Church 340.938 0,68 Baptist Church 3.723.853 7,45 Congregational Church 109.591 0,22 Adventist Church 1.561.071 3,12 Other Mission Evangelical 30.666 0,06 Churches of Mission Sub Total 7.686.826 15,39 Evangelical Pentecostal Population % Igreja Assembléia de Deus (Assembly of God) 12,314,410 24.65 Igreja Congregação Cristã do Brasil 2,289,634 4.58 Igreja o Brasil para Cristo 196,665 0.39 Igreja Evangelho Quadrangular 1,808,389 3.62 Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus 1,873,243 3.75 Igreja Casa da Benção 125,550 0.25 Igreja Deus é Amor 845,383 1.69 Igreja Maranata 356,021 0.71 Igreja Nova Vida 90,568 0.18 Evangélica renovada undetermined 23,461 0.05 Evangelical Community 180,130 0.36 86 Other Evangelic Pentecostals 5,267,029 10.54 Undetermined Evangelical 9,218,129 18.45 Not identified as Evangelic or Catholic by IBGE Other Christian religiosities 1,461,495 2.93 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 226,509 0.45 Jehovah's Witnesses 1,393,208 2.79 Grand Total 49,962,264 100 6.0 Conclusion In Brazil, a popular proverb states that in the dinner table, you should not talk about religion, politics and soccer. However, in the last 35 years, two of those controversial topics were melded on the country’s incipient democracy. The turmoil that promoted a presidential impeachment under suspicious allegations and jail former president Lula da Silva had direct participation of evangelical actors. To understand more precisely who they are, what groups finance them and how democracy can protect itself from those groups are vital to protect civil liberties and rights. It is vital to avoid the persecution of minorities, or even majorities, “deviant” from the set of conservative values rhetorically or effectively defended by “evangelicals”. These persecutions take place in Brazil against religious minorities, specially of African origins and indigenous people, to nonheteronormative people, feminists, the arts in general, mass culture, critical social sciences and even modern science, insofar as it contradicts more literal readings of the Bible – creationism x evolutionism, for example. These persecutions take the concrete form of projects of law, censorship of plays and art expositions, public schools curricula changes (excluding the obligation of the study of African history, philosophy and sociology), targeting of publicity funds for more friendly media corporations, preaching for millions in churches, radio and television stations, owned or rented by these churches etc. (Almeida 2019). Besides, the conservative moralist discourse of protestant politicians mobilize the affections of the “evangelicals” in support of political groups whose actions in the field of economics have a clear neoliberal bias. These discourses were often widespread defunded out of Brazil in the form of bizarre fake-news against political opponents, through social networks of believers (illegally, during the electoral period)6, The main point here is that behind moralism, the flexibilization of the labour legislation, favouring the employers, the scrapping of public services, from health to education and even water supplies, actually contradicts the concrete interests of these same believers, mostly workers. In other words, moralism acts as a kind of Trojan Horse, camouflaging the interests that are effectively at stake. This paper maps the construction of protestant classification on several knowledge organization systems in order to understand how social researchers can critically use those classifications on their scientific researches. By comparing those classification with the IBGE Brazilian census, we could perceive how the census classification is adherent to the classifications used in worldwide relevant bibliographic systems. 6 We must note that in Brazil, broadcasting operations, even private ones, are public concessions. By the law, they should be committed with the promotion of accurate information, “serious” and popular culture, tolerance. 87 As we see, there are many possibilities to scrutinize the classification of evangelical groups and research in this subject can better clarify how these population moves among the various religious denominations in the evangelical field. On our ongoing research, we could identify how the census of other countries outside the American continent deal with Religion inquires and how the knowledge organization systems adhere to each other. Studying different CSs over a controversial theme as religion, in many countries and cultures, can open space to new and less ethnocentric biased intercultural and multifaceted classification schemes, what Otlet and Ranganathan aimed. References Almeida, Ronaldo D. 2019. “Bolsonaro Presidente: Conservadorismo, Evangelismo e a Crise Brasileira.” Novos Estudos CEBRAP 38: 185–213. Berger, Peter L. 1985. O Dossel Sagrado: Elementos para uma Sociologia da Religião. São Paulo Paulinas. Broughton, Vanda. 2000. “A New Classification for the Literature of Religion.” International cataloguing and bibliographic control 29, no. 4: 59–61. Camurça, Marcelo. 2014. “A Religião e o Censo: Enfoques Metodológicos uma Reflexão a Partir das Consultorias do ISER ao IBGE Sobre o Dado Religioso nos Censos.” Religiões em Conexão: Números, Direitos, Pessoas, edited by Christina Vital da Cunha; Renata de Castro Menezes. Rio de Janeiro: ISER, Instituto de Estudos da Religião. Carranza, Brenda, and Da Cunha, Christina Vital. 2018. “Conservative Religious Activism in the Brazilian Congress: Sexual Agendas in Focus.” Social Compass 65, no. 4: 486–502. Freston, Paul. 2008. Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in Latin America. Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in the Global South. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Idrees, Haroon and Khalid, Mahmood. 2009. “Devising a Classification Scheme for Islam: Opinions of LIS and Islamic Studies Scholars.” Library Philosophy and Practice (e-Journal), November. Lenin, Vladmir I. 2011. Cadernos Sobre a Dialética de Hegel. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ. Liebman, Robert C., John R. Sutton, and Robert Wuthnow. 1988. “Exploring the Social Sources of Denominationalism: Schisms in American Protestant Denominations, 1890-1980.” American Sociological Review 53, no. 3: 343–52. Mafra, Clara. 2001. Os Evangélicos. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. Mariano, Ricardo. 1996. “Os Neopentecostais e a Teologia da Prosperidade.” Novos Estudos 44: 24-44. Mariano, Ricardo. 2004. “Expansão Pentecostal no Brasil: O Caso da Igreja Universal.” Estudos Avançados 18, no. 52: 121–38. McIlwaine, Ia C. and Joan S. Mitchell. 2006. “The New Ecumenism: Exploration of a DDC/UDC View of Religion.” Extensions & Corrections to the UDC 28: 9-16. Oro, Ari Pedro. 2004. “A Presença Religiosa Brasileira no Exterior: O Caso da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus.” Estudos Avançados 18, no. 52: 139–155. Pew Research Center. 2010. “A Brief History of Religion and the U.S. Census.” Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project (blog). Sottani, Silvânia M.P. 2016. Biopolítica dos Afetos: Alteridades Ressentidas e a Circulação da Intolerância. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ. Studwell, William E., Hong Wu, and Rui Wang. 1994. “Ideological Influences on Book Classification Schemes in the People’s Republic of China.” Cataloging & Classification Quarterly 19, no. 1: 61–74. Weber, Max. 1999. Ética Protestante e o Espírito do Capitalismo. Santana de Parnaíba: Pioneira.

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The proceedings explore knowledge organization systems and their role in knowledge organization, knowledge sharing, and information searching.

The papers cover a wide range of topics related to knowledge transfer, representation, concepts and conceptualization, social tagging, domain analysis, music classification, fiction genres, museum organization. The papers discuss theoretical issues related to knowledge organization and the design, development and implementation of knowledge organizing systems as well as practical considerations and solutions in the application of knowledge organization theory. Covered is a range of knowledge organization systems from classification systems, thesauri, metadata schemas to ontologies and taxonomies.


Der Tagungsband untersucht Wissensorganisationssysteme und ihre Rolle bei der Wissensorganisation, dem Wissensaustausch und der Informationssuche. Die Beiträge decken ein breites Spektrum von Themen ab, die mit Wissenstransfer, Repräsentation, Konzeptualisierung, Social Tagging, Domänenanalyse, Musikklassifizierung, Fiktionsgenres und Museumsorganisation zu tun haben. In den Beiträgen werden theoretische Fragen der Wissensorganisation und des Designs, der Entwicklung und Implementierung von Systemen zur Wissensorganisation sowie praktische Überlegungen und Lösungen bei der Anwendung der Theorie der Wissensorganisation diskutiert. Es wird eine Reihe von Wissensorganisationssystemen behandelt, von Klassifikationssystemen, Thesauri, Metadatenschemata bis hin zu Ontologien und Taxonomien.