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Paolo Lucca, Šabbetay Ṣewi and the Messianic Temptations of Ottoman Jews in the Seventeenth Century According to Christian Armenian Sources in:

Camilla Adang, Sabine Schmidtke (Ed.)

Contracts and Controversies between Muslims, Jews and Christians in the Ottoman Empire and Pre-Modern Iran, page 197 - 206

1. Edition 2010, ISBN print: 978-3-89913-738-5, ISBN online: 978-3-95650-682-6, https://doi.org/10.5771/9783956506826-197

Series: Istanbuler Texte und Studien (ITS), vol. 21

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Šabbetay Ṣewi and the Messianic Temptations of Ottoman Jews in the Seventeenth Century According to Christian Armenian Sources Paolo Lucca Introduction The existence of Armenian documents based on and contemporaneous with the Šabbetay Ṣewi affair was made known to Hebraists by the Jewish scholar Abraham Galanté. It was a certain B. Nishanean, an Armenian antiquarian bookseller in Istanbul, who brought these documents to Galanté’s attention, showing him a poem by Eremia Kʿēōmiwrčean and a chapter (namely the fifty-seventh) of Aṙakʿel Davrižecʿi’s History in which the story of Šabbetay Ṣewi was told. The former text, a poem composed of 127 four-line stanzas, was entitled Yałags dera K‘ristosin or kēlti kēlti asi, arareal ew šaradreal Eremiayi dpri Kostandinupōlsewoy, or ēr žamanakakicʿ ew tesōł irancʿ, 1115 tʿwoĵ [“On the Pseudo-Messiah called Geldi-geldi, [a poem] written and composed by Eremia from Constantinople, contemporaneous and witness to the events, in the year 1115 (1666)”].1 The latter, an anonymous reworking in prose of Eremia’s poem included in the History of Aṙakʿel, was titled Patmutʿiwn ancʿicʿ Hrēicʿ azgin ew Sapētʿay anun ĵhtin, or asēr tʿē es em kʿristosn pʿrkičʿ Hrēicʿ azgin ew ard eki ew yaytnecʿay zi pʿrkecʿicʿ znosa, ew aylocʿ irakutʿeancʿ, orkʿ socʿuncʿ hetewecʿan [Story of the events of the nation of the Jews and of the ĵhut called Sabetʿay who said: “I am the Messiah, savior of the nation of the Jews. Behold, I have come and I have revealed myself to save them”, and [story] of other subsequent events].2 Galanté, who did not know Armenian, asked his friend Hamparsum Haladjan (at the time headmaster of the Armenian school “Kinali Ala” in Istanbul) to translate these sources into Turkish and, in 1934-1935, published a French version (based on 1 Hasmik Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně [Late Medieval Armenian Poetry] 1-2, Erevan 1986-87, vol. 2, pp. 455-76. 2 Patmutʿiwn Aṙakʿel vardapeti Dawrižecʿwoy [The History of the Vardapet Aṙakʿel of Tabriz”], Vałaršapat 21884, pp. 651-65. Russian translation: Istorija strasteĭ evreĭsnago naroda i džixuta po imeni Sabeta, kotoryĭ govorit čto on Xristos, spasitel’ evreev, javivšiĭsja dlja izbavlenija ix, i drugix cobytiĭ posledovavšix za simi, in X. Kučuk-Ioannesov, “Armjanskaja letopis’ o evrejax v Persiĭ XVII veka i o messiĭ Sabbatae-Cevi” [An Armenian Chronicle on Jews in XVIIth Century Persia and on the Messiah Šabbetay Ṣewi], Evreĭskaja starina 10 (1918), pp. 76-86. Eastern Armenian translation: Hrea azgi het tełi unecʿac ancʿkʿeri ev Sabetʿa anunov hreayi, orn asum ēr, tʿe inkě hreakan azgi kʿristos pʿrkičʿn ē ev ard ekel ē ev haytnvel, or prki nrancʿ ev ayl irołutʿyunneri patmutʿyun, or haĵordecʿ srancʿ, in Davrižecʿi Aṙakʿel, Patmutʿyun [History], introduction, translation and comment by Aṙakʿelyan V., Erevan 1988, pp. 510-23. English translation: George A. Bournoutian, The History of Vardapet Aṙakʿel of Tabriz: Patmutʿiwn Aṙakʿel vardapeti Dawrižecʿwoy, Costa Mesa, CA 2005, Chp. 57. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul PAOLO LUCCA 198 Haladjan’s Turkish one) of the two texts.3 Some years later, in 1949, still helped by Haladjan, Galanté published a French version of the fifty-seventh chapter of the Chronicle of Zakʿaria Kʿanakʿeṙcʿi, considering this piece of writing (titled Anzgamutʿiwn Hrēic‘ [On the shamelessness of the Jews] and in which is described a Jewish revolt attempt in Thessalonica crushed in bloodshed by the Ottoman authority) inspired by the story of Šabbetay Ṣewi.4 Afterwards, in his monograph on Šabbetay Ṣewi, Gershom Scholem set forth the few novel elements (if compared to other Jewish and European contemporaneous sources on Sabbatianism) presented by the texts of Eremia and Aṙak‘el, avoiding mentioning the chapter of Zakʿaria’s Chronicle probably because Šabbetay Ṣewi is never named expressly in it.5 To these three texts may be added another short poem of Eremia, titled Vasn verstin xayata- ṙakutʿean Hrēicʿ [Again on the Jewish ignominy, or Another Jewish ignominy] and, as far as I know, not yet translated from classical Armenian.6 This poem, a real indictment against Šabbetay Ṣewi and his messianic pretensions, deals with the consequences of Šabbetay Ṣewi’s failure for the Jewish population, described by Eremia as embittered, frustrated and scorned. It is not the aim of this article to analyze these texts for the purpose of tracing new elements and information helpful in the study of Sabbatian movement. What appears more interesting is to try to comprehend how these Armenian authors read and understood social and historical events which turned out so tragic for the Judaism of that time, laying emphasis on the different attitudes towards the Jewish people shown by Eremia and Zak‘aria. The former, condemning Šabbetay Ṣewi as a deceiver dispatched by Satan, shows himself to share the pains of the Jews and to sympathize with their plight, even if he declares the superiority of Christianity, whereas the latter seems to feel a slight sense of complacency in describing the harsh suppression of the attempted Jewish revolt in Thessalonica. Biographical notes Before offering a comparison between their texts, it would be useful to provide some basic biographical notes on the two Armenian authors, in order better to 3 Histoire de la nation juive et du nommé tchifout Sabbetai qui disait: «Je suis le sauveur, le Christ des Juifs; me voici, je suis venu et je suis apparu, car je les sauverai (les Juifs)», et d’autres faits qui les suivent (qui suivent ces faits) in Abraham Galanté, Nouveaux documents sur Sabbetaï Sevi: organisation et us et coutumes de ses adeptes, Istanbul 1935, pp. 82-107. 4 Zakʿaria Kʿanakʿeṙcʿi, Zakʿareay sarkawagi Patmagrutʿiwn [Chronicle of Deacon Zakʿaria] 1- 3, Vałaršapat 1870, vol. 2, pp. 113-7. French translation: L’insolence des Juifs, in Abraham Galanté, Recueil de nouveaux documents inédits concernant l’histoire des Juifs de Turquie, Istanbul 1949, pp. 44-47. Russian translation: O besstydstbe evreev, in M.O. Darbinjan-Melikjan, Zakariĭ Kanakerci Xronika [Chronicle of Zakʿaria Kʿanakʿeṙcʿi], Moscow 1969, Chp. 57. English translation: On the Shamelessness of the Jews, in George A. Bournoutian, The Chronicle of Deacon Zakʿaria of Kʿanakʿeṙ, Costa Mesa, CA 2004, pp. 229-31. 5 Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Ṣevi: The Mystical Messiah. 1626-1676, Princeton 1973, passim. 6 Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně, vol. 2, pp. 476-7. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul ŠABBETAY ṢEWI AND THE MESSIANIC TEMPTATIONS OF OTTOMAN JEWS 199 understand some of the reasons for their completely different positions towards the Jews and Jewish Messianism. Eremia, who was born in Istanbul in 1637 and died in the same city in 1695, enjoyed from his early youth the patronage of Ambakum Eginli, a leading figure in the Istanbul Armenian community at the time. Besides his profound knowledge of internal Armenian religious and theological subjects, Eremia had a deep proficiency in both Ottoman and Armenian history, in natural and calendrical sciences and in many languages as well (he knew Armenian, Turkish, Greek, Latin and other European languages), although he was not a member of the clergy. His extensive travels throughout the Ottoman Empire and in the Caucasus and his contacts with Europeans and European cultural traditions persuaded Eremia of the importance of a cultural and humanistic revival in Armenian intellectual life inspired by the Enlightenment principles. Eremia, the most prolific Armenian author of this era, wrote poems, histories, chronicles, religious treatises and sermons. He also translated into Armeno-Turkish some of his own works, besides producing translations from Armenian religious and historical literature.7 Totally different from Eremia’s was Zak‘aria’s life. Born in K‘anak‘eṙ, near Erevan, in 1627, Zak‘aria entered the monastery of Hovhanavank‘ at the age of thirteen. Except for his three journeys to Qazvin, Smyrna and Üsküdar, he spent all his life in that monastery, dying in 1699 at the age of 72. Trained in a strictly clerical background, Zak‘aria was very well acquainted with Armenian religious and historical writers (e.g. Xorenac‘i, P‘arpec‘i and Ełiše) but very probably ignored most of the secular subjects which, along with Armenian ones, played such a great role in Eremia’s training. In his Chronicle, composed of three books, his goal is to illustrate the suffering Armenians endured in five hundred years of Muslim rule. The name of God appears in almost every chapter, and every event, good or bad, is interpreted as the will of God.8 There is no place, in Zak‘aria’s Chronicle, for Eremia’s European enlightened ideals and, if Eremia could be seen as a pioneer of the modern Armenian literature, it could be stated that Zak‘aria’s work is still totally medieval. The Authors and Armenian Messianism Notwithstanding their different origin and culture, both Armenian authors were swayed by such issues as the forthcoming end of the world and the coming of the Antichrist, and the story of Šabbetay Ṣewi contributed to turn their interest and concern towards internal Jewish events. Furthermore, the conversions of Jews to Islam, subsequent to Šabbetay Ṣewi’s conversion, could have strengthened their be- 7 See Avedis K. Sanjian and Andreas Tietze (eds.), Eremya Chelebi Kömürjian’s Armeno-Turkish Poem “The Jewish Bride”, Wiesbaden 1981, pp. 12-21. 8 See Bournoutian, The Chronicle of Deacon Zakʿaria of Kʿanakʿeṙ, pp. 319-21. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul PAOLO LUCCA 200 lief in the proximity of earth’s final days. Indeed, the at the time widespread expectation of the end of the world is well testified by Zak‘aria in the Memorial Record which constitutes the last chapter of the second book of his Chronicle, written, according to the author in these final days, when the end of the world is near, when the Armenian people are weak and the Persian people strong, when they oppress and torture us with different excuses and various extortions. In our year of one thousand one hundred forty and twice four (1148/1699).9 Eremia himself was convinced that Šabbetay Ṣewi was the forerunner of the Antichrist, a sign of the last days: Zi skzbnač‘arin gorcaran gteal, Or satanayi zgorcn yawart aṙeal Ew zxełč azg iwr i lezu arkeal, Zi hamayn azgik‘ zHrēays canakeal Ew hraman pʿrkčʿin yaysmik katareal, Zi sut margarēk‘ k‘ristosk‘ yaṙaĵeal, Apa naxěnt‘ac‘ Neṙinn haseal, Ordwoyn korstean karapet yaytneal10 The origin of evil has found the worker To accomplish devil’s work; His people has spread around his perversity So that all the nations could mock the Jews. Fulfilled has been the word of the Savior that ‘False prophets and false christs shall rise’; And lo and behold, the precursor of the Antichrist has arrived, The one who foreshadows the son of perdition has appeared. However, besides the common conviction of Eremia and Zak‘aria in the proximity of the end, the point that should be stressed is the difference in their respective views of and attitudes towards Jews. Eremia’s poem On the Pseudo-Messiah (and, consequently, the chapter of Aṙak‘el History based on it) is a very well-informed piece of writing about Šabbetay Ṣewi. In it, Eremia reports his stay in Ereṣ Israel, his encounter with Nathan of Gaza, his increasing reputation among the Jewry of Smyrna. He records the disagreement Šabbetay Ṣewi’s deeds and declarations caused among Jews and tells with a wealth of detail about the pseudo-Messiah’s imprisonment, trial and final abjuration. But what is especially interesting is the description Eremia gives of the consequences Šabbetay Ṣewi’s messianic pretensions had for Jews’ everyday life. Muslims and Christians start mocking the Jews, asking them ceaselessly if their prophet and sage has finally come: 9 Ibid., p. 261. 10 Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně, vol. 2, p. 473, stanzas 110-111. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul ŠABBETAY ṢEWI AND THE MESSIANIC TEMPTATIONS OF OTTOMAN JEWS 201 Mankunk‘ ěnd mecamecs i hamayn azgi, P‘art‘amk‘ ew ṙamikk‘ i soyn k‘ałak‘i, Harc‘anen, nełen zazgn hrēi: ‘Č‘fut kēlti mi, xaxam kēlti mi?’ Kanayk‘ ěnd aranc‘ ew eritasardi, Mankunk‘ ew ałĵkunk‘, cerk‘ ěnd tłayi, Harc‘anen c‘Hrēays ur or handipi: ‘Nawi kēlti mi, t‘ēčal kēlti mi?’11 Young men and notables of any nation, The rich men and the mob of that town, Harassed the people of the Jews asking them: ‘Čfut geldi mi? Haham geldi mi?’’12 Women and men, young men, Boys and girls, old men and children, Asked the Jews wherever they met them: ‘Navi geldi mi? Deccal geldi mi?’13 After Šabbetay Ṣewi’s imprisonment the Jews of Istanbul find themselves forced to lock themselves inside their homes and try unsuccessfully to bribe Ottoman authorities into prohibiting people from jeering the Jewish nation: […] Ew azgn hrēic‘ yarks iwreanc‘ cacki, Oč‘ xanut‘ nstan ew oč‘ vačaṙi, I naxatanac‘ amēnayn azgi. Nēnkič‘ēr ałin kašaṙs twin, Or patwēr toweal xist i łulluxin, Ayl mi asac‘en Hrēic‘ zkēltin, Bayc‘ azgn tačkac‘ ayl ews yawelin.14 […] The people of the Jews hid because of their own misfortunes; They left their workshops and did not go to the marketplace anymore, Due to the insults of all the nations. They offered gifts to the agha of Janissaries, So that he rigorously ordered the kulluk Not to ask the Jews ‹Geldi?› anymore, But the Turkish nation started asking it even more. The widespread display of such mocking behavior towards the Jews is recorded in another work of Eremia as well. In his poem The Jewish Bride, in which he tells the story of a Jewish girl who converts to Christianity and marries a Greek-orthodox 11 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 459, stanzas 27-28. 12 Turkish: “Has the Jew come? Has the sage come?” 13 Turkish: “Has the prophet come? Has the Antichrist come?” 14 Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně, vol. 2, pp. 460-61, stanzas 36-37. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul PAOLO LUCCA 202 Albanian baker, he underlines how the news about girl’s conversion makes the mob forget at once their refrains on Šabbetay Ṣewi: Bu havadis ki izhar olunub Bu shehrisdanın khalki ishidub Chıfud kavmıni mezeye alub Unudub bu dem Geldi Geldiyi When this news became known The people of the town heard it. They derided the Jews, Forgetting at once the Geldi-Geldi.15 Afflicted and very much tormented, the Jews make themselves out to be Armenians, in an attempt to avoid being insulted by the mob: Ew zkerps Hayoc‘ i yert‘n stac‘eal, Zi mi aṙawel lic‘in hayhoyeal, Bayc‘ i xuzołac‘n ēin tuganeal, I Tačkac‘ mecac‘, or aync‘ handipeal.16 In the street they disguise themselves as Armenians To save themselves from being too much insulted; But they were fined by the guards, By the Turkish authorities they met. The Armenian author stresses how the Jews are the first victims of what he calls Šabbetay Ṣewi’s “obsession”. His criticism of the principles of Judaism notwithstanding, his view of the adversities of the Jewish nation is sympathetic and compassionate. Indeed, when mentioning the role Jewish authorities played in this event (he tells about eighty Jewish sages who disown Šabbetay Ṣewi), he admits they have tried to persuade the people of Šabbetay Ṣewi’s bad faith, but at the same time, being a member of a minority, he knows full well that a despised minority can be easily carried away by a dream of redemption. Therefore, in Eremia’s eyes, the Jews are a nation misled, and their only fault consists in the fact that they believed in an insolent deceiver, a man ready to exploit his people’s weaknesses: Molorealn erb eres zazgn moleal, Kurac‘eal xmbic‘n, awel yandgneal, Asē: ‘Em ordi Astucoy cneal, Jez azatut‘iwn nardenis haseal!’17 When the impostor saw that the people had lost their mind And the mob had gone blind, he turned even more insolent. He said: ‘I am the son of God, Your redemption has come!’ 15 Sanjian and Tietze, The Jewish Bride, p. 116, stanza 132. 16 Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně, vol. 2, p. 466, stanza 65. 17 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 463, stanza 51. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul ŠABBETAY ṢEWI AND THE MESSIANIC TEMPTATIONS OF OTTOMAN JEWS 203 This sympathetic attitude towards Jewry can also be explained in the light of Eremia’s involvement in the political life of the Armenian millet. The author, indeed, knew very well how much inner religious quarrels could damage the welfare and interests of a community, as his agitation against the creation of an independent catholicosate for the Armenian millet of the Ottoman Empire clearly shows.18 He was aware of how a divided minority could draw the attention of the Ottoman authorities and thus put its own existence in jeopardy. Thus, according to Eremia, all the blame for the misfortunes of the Jews must be placed on Šabbetay Ṣewi, who used his qualities (he is depicted by Eremia as a learned man with a profound knowledge of the Scriptures) only to increase his fame and wealth. Hence the negative judgment the Armenian author passes on the pseudo-Messiah in the speech he has Jewish sages direct at Šabbetay Ṣewi’s followers: Sut ē, xabebay, na diwabaxeal, Č‘uni inč‘ nšan, zor duk‘ yusac‘eal, Kam zmargarēic‘ banic‘ gušakeal, Oč‘ tesak‘ zmi inč‘ i nma katareal.19 He is a liar, an impostor, a possessed one; He has not any of the signs you have trusted in; And of the things the prophets foretold, None of these we have seen fulfilled in him. A different attitude altogether, compared with Eremia’s, is that shown by Zak‘aria in his The Shamelessness of the Jews, the fifty-seventh chapter of the second book of his Chronicle. In this book, indeed, Zakʿaria gathers a series of imaginary and fabulous tales (which he claims to have heard from eyewitnesses) of great interest from an ethnographic point of view: cataclysms, celestial signs, dragons, enormous snakes enhance the liveliness of Zakʿaria’s narration. On the other hand, the historical value of these tales is very limited, even though it may be assumed that some of them are based on real events.20 Zakʿaria himself seems to admit that his information is mostly unfounded or apocryphal, as this statement would seem to prove: We shall relate everything [just as] we heard it, both the lies and the truth.21 In regard to his account of an attempted Jewish revolt in Thessalonica, which, actually, never took place, Zakʿaria affirms that, even though he already knew the facts, a Greek deacon from Thessalonica named Yeni has given him a more de- 18 See Vahram T‘orgomean, Eremia Čʿelepi -i K‘ēōmiwrčean “Stampōloy Patmut‘iwn” [The “History of Istanbul” of Eremia Č‘elepi K‘ēōmiwrčean] 1-3, Vienna 1913-38, vol. 1, pp. 161-72, and Nersēs Akinean, Eremia Čʿelepi Kʿēōmiwrčean: keankʿn ew grakan gorcunēutʿiwně [Eremia Č‘elepi K‘ēōmiwrčean: life and works], Vienna 1933, pp. 46-49. 19 Sahakyan, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcutʿyuně, vol. 2, p. 465, stanza 61. 20 Bournoutian, The Chronicle of Deacon Zakʿaria of Kʿanakʿeṙ, pp. 321-3. 21 Ibid., p. 26. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul PAOLO LUCCA 204 tailed version of the events. Zakʿaria tells how the Jews of Thessalonica, fallen on hard times, decide to appoint a king among themselves, in the hope of regaining lost welfare and wealth. They decide in favor of a certain Sołon, a good-looking, wise and learned man, well-versed in Scripture. Clothed in a white tunic, crowned with a three-peaked crown and with a golden sceptre in his hand, Sołon is worshipped and revered by the Jews of Thessalonica. Then the Jews appoint judges and prefects, set up a regular army and send the following letter to all the Jews of the land: Listen, all you Jewish people. Live according to the laws of Moses, for by the grace of God we have begun to rule here and plan to destroy all the Muslims. The Christians shall pay us tribute: the Armenians ten and the Greeks eight gold pieces. Be ready. […] Fall on them, kill them, and make slaves of their women and children. The moment you accomplish this, we shall be one body and soul. The wolf and the lamb shall graze together. The Messiah will then come and shall settle among us.22 The dream of redemption is shattered as a consequence of an issue that arises between Sołon and a certain Ovsē while the Jewish king is dividing all the Ottoman cities among Jewish authorities. Ovsē, who receives the city of Bursa, refuses it asking for Adrianople, his home town instead. Sołon does not want to hear complaints and orders his followers to club Ovsē before chasing him away. Ovsē, however, goes to the pasha and reveals the conspiracy to him. The suppression of the revolt is cruel and harsh: Sołon is tortured and condemned to death and the pasha issues an edict in which he orders Muslims and Christians to slaughter the Jews, to make slaves of their children, to rape their women and to seize their belongings. The Jews, annihilated, convert to Islam and mix with the Christians, hiding in their homes after having given the Christians their own possessions. According to Galanté, this Armenian text could be proof of the impressive influence the Šabbetay Ṣewi affair had on the unlearned classes.23 Actually, the story presents features typical of a folk tale, but I suppose not only Šabbetay Ṣewi could have inspired it. During the seventeenth century the Jewish community of Thessalonica, once very well off, endured many adversities and misfortunes, a strong economic recession and several tax increases.24 These factors, combined with the fact that the town, at the end of the seventeenth century, became one of the main Sabbatian centers following the mass conversion of about 300 Jewish families to Islam, could have contributed to originate a story such as Zakʿaria’s. Indeed, the malicious delight about Pseudo-Messiah’s defeat, the satisfaction for the Jews’ economic misfortunes and a widespread sense of revenge against them could have generated among Christians such a tale inspired by seventeenth-century events 22 Ibid., pp. 229-30. 23 Galanté, Recueil de nouveaux documents inédits, p. 44. 24 Joseph Nehama, Histoire des Israélites de Salonique. Tome V. Période de stagnation – La tourmente sabbatéenne (1593-1669), Thessaloniki 1959, pp. 73-76, and id., Histoire des Israélites de Salonique. Tomes VI et VII, Thessaloniki 1978, p. 135. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul ŠABBETAY ṢEWI AND THE MESSIANIC TEMPTATIONS OF OTTOMAN JEWS 205 with the Jewish communities of Smyrna and Thessalonica, one (or some) of which tales Zak‘aria recorded and probably reworked. Furthermore, some Sabbatian elements featured in the story could result from Zak‘aria’s travel to Smyrna. Unlike Eremia in his poem, Zak‘aria in his narration refrains from any kind of explicit judgment of the Jews or from Christian apologetics, but his attitude towards the Jews comes out clearly from the title. All the Jews are shameful: their insolence and their shamelessness caused the curses that befall them. Their desire for supremacy, which drove them to appoint a king among themselves in order to rule the world, generated the misfortunes Zakʿaria seems to record with complacency: [The pasha] ordered them [the Muslims] to cut the tongue, nose, lips, ears, fingers, hands, legs, and the testicles of the haham. […] They [the Muslims] killed a third of the Jewish population that day. […] They [the Jews] thus suffered a pitiful death. The twelve maidens that they guarded for their messiah, were taken to the pasha and were publicly dishonored. The khondkar also ordered his subordinates to heavily tax the Jews in every part of his domain, so that they would become poor and cease being insolent.25 This is, indeed, the main difference between Eremia’s and Zakʿaria’s views of Jewish Messianism. According to the former, the scorn for the Jews and the Jews’ despised condition made them blind to Šabbetay Ṣewi’s messianic pretensions. Eremia, actually, does not consider them shameful, but rather deceived. Zakʿaria, on the other hand, who did not experience personally the reality of the Ottoman millet and records folk-tales without caring about their truthfulness, seems to state that Messianism is for the Jews nothing but an excuse to disguise their own desire for dominance. References Akinean, Nersēs, Eremia Č‘elepi K‘ēōmiwrčean: keank‘n ew grakan gorcunēut‘iwně [Eremia Č‘elepi K‘ēōmiwrčean: life and works], Vienna 1933. Aṙak‘el, Davrižec‘i, Patmut‘yun [History], introduction, translation and comment by Aṙak‘elyan V., Erevan 1988. Bournoutian, George A., The Chronicle of Deacon Zak‘aria of K‘anak‘eṙ (Zakʿareay Sarkawagi Patmagrut‘iwn), Costa Mesa, CA 2004. Bournoutian, George A., The History of Vardapet Aṙak‘el of Tabriz: Patmut‘iwn Aṙak‘el vardapeti Dawrižec‘woy, Costa Mesa, CA 2005. Darbinjan-Melikjan, M.O., Zakariĭ Kanakerci Xronika [Chronicle of Zak‘aria K‘anak‘eṙc‘i], Moscow 1969. Galanté, Abraham, Nouveaux documents sur Sabbetaï Sevi : organisation et us et coutumes de ses adeptes, Istanbul 1935. 25 Bournoutian, The Chronicle of Deacon Zakʿaria of Kʿanakʿeṙ, p. 231. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul PAOLO LUCCA 206 Galanté, Abraham, Recueil de nouveaux documents inédits concernant l’histoire des Juifs de Turquie, Istanbul 1949. Kučuk-Ioannesov, X., “Armjanskaja letopis’ o evrejax v Persiĭ XVII veka i o messiĭ Sabbatae-Cevi” [An Armenian Chronicle on Jews in XVIIth Century Persia and on the Messiah Šabbetay Ṣewi], Evreĭskaja starina 10 (1918), pp. 76-86. Nehama, Joseph, Histoire des Israélites de Salonique. Tome V. Période de stagnation – La tourmente sabbatéenne (1593-1669), Thessaloniki 1959. Nehama, Joseph, Histoire des Israélites de Salonique. Tomes VI et VII, Thessaloniki 1978. Patmut‘iwn Aṙak‘el vardapeti Dawrižec‘woy [The History of the Vardapet Aṙak‘el of Tabriz], Vałaršapat 21884. Sahakyan, Hasmik, Uš mĵnadari hay banastełcut‘yuně [Late Medieval Armenian Poetry] 1-2, Erevan 1986-87. Sanjian, Avedis K. and Andreas Tietze (eds.), Eremya Chelebi Kömürjian’s Armeno- Turkish Poem “The Jewish Bride”, Wiesbaden 1981. Scholem, Gershom, Sabbatai Ṣevi: The Mystical Messiah. 1626-1676, Princeton 1973. T‘orgomean, Vahram, Eremia Č‘elepi -i K‘ēōmiwrčean “Stampōloy Patmut‘iwn” [The “History of Istanbul” of Eremia Č‘elepi K‘ēōmiwrčean] 1-3, Vienna 1913-38. Zakʿaria Kʿanakʿeṙcʿi, Zak‘areay sarkawagi Patmagrut‘iwn [Chronicle of Deacon Zak‘aria] 1-3, Vałaršapat 1870. © 2016 Orient-Institut Istanbul

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Abstract

Judith Pfeiffer: Confessional polarization in the 17th century Ottoman Empire and Yūsuf İbn Ebī ʿAbdü’dDeyyān’s Keşfü’l-esrār fī ilzāmi’l-Yehūd ve’l-aḥbār / Camilla

Adang: Guided to Islam by the Torah: The Risāla alhādiya by ʿAbd al-Salām al-Muhtadī al-Muḥammadī /Sabine Schmidtke: Epistle forcing the Jews [to admit their error] with regard to what they contend about the Torah, by dialectical reasoning (Risālat ilzām al-yahūd

fīmā zaʿamū fī l-tawrāt min qibal ʿilm al-kalām) by alSalām ʿAbd al-ʿAllām. A critical edition / Monika Hasenmüller: Die Beschreibung Muḥammads im Evangelium.

Eine muslimische Polemik gegen die Christen aus

dem osmanischen Reich (Anfang 18. Jhdt.) / Paolo Lucca: Šabbetay Ṣewi and the Messianic Temptations of Ottoman Jews in the Seventeenth Century According to Christian Armenian Sources / Elisabetta Borromeo: Le clergé catholique face au pouvoir ottoman. Les brevets de nomination (berât) des évêques et des archevêques

(17ème siècle) / Heleen Murre-van den Berg : Apostasy or ‘a House Built on Sand’. Jews, Muslims and Christians in East-Syriac texts (1500-1850) / Rudi Matthee: The Politics of Protection. Iberian Missionaries in Safavid

Iran under Shāh ʿAbbās I (1587-1629) / Dennis Halft:

Schiitische Polemik gegen das Christentum im safawidischen Iran des 11./17. Jhdts. Sayyid Aḥmad ʿAlawīs

Lawāmiʿ-i rabbānī dar radd-i šubha-yi naṣrānī / Reza Pourjavady

– Sabine Schmidtke: Sayyid Muḥammad Mahdī alBurūjirdī

al-Ṭabāṭabāʾī’s (d. 1212/1797) debate with the Jews of Dhu l-Kifl. A survey of its transmission, with critical editions of its Arabic and Persian versions / Vera

B. Moreen: Iranian Jewish History Reflected in JudaeoPersian Literature