Der Verfassungsgerichtshof der Republik Gabun

Dimitrios Parashu

doi:10.5771/0506-7286-2016-4-416

Contents
- Chapter Expand | CollapseAuthorsPage
- 337–338 Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis 337–338
- 339–415 Abhandlungen / Articles 339–415
  - 339–367 Conceptualizing authoritarian constitutionalism Roberto Niembro Ortega Roberto Niembro Ortega 339–367
  - 368–392 The legal framework for the peace process in Colombia and the precarious role of transitional justice Niklas Eckhardt Niklas Eckhardt 368–392
  - 393–415 Environmental justice and slow violence: Marikana and the post-apartheid South African mining industry in context Caiphas Soyapi, Louis J. Kotzé Caiphas Soyapi, Louis J. Kotzé 393–415
- 416–430 Berichte / Reports 416–430
  - Der Verfassungsgerichtshof der Republik Gabun Dimitrios Parashu Dimitrios Parashu
- 431–448 Buchbesprechungen / Book Reviews 431–448
  - Amy Young Evrard, The Moroccan Women's Rights Movement, Syracuse University Press, New York, 2014, 300 pages, 39,95 $, ISBN 978-0-8156-3350-1 Tanja Herklotz Tanja Herklotz
- 449–460 Bibliographie / Bibliography 449–460
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VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee , page 416 - 430

Der Verfassungsgerichtshof der Republik Gabun

Autoren

Dimitrios Parashu

DOI
- doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2016-4-416
- ISSN: 0506-7286
- ISSN online: 2941-9603
Zusammenfassung

The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Gabon, established in 1991, enjoys all the competences of comparable African Constitutional Courts, influenced by the French Constitutional Law. Especially the execution of its competence regarding election scrutiny can be considered as problematic, though; the latter mainly because of the state president’s practically rather high influence potential in terms of the appointment of constitutional judges.

Abstract

The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Gabon, established in 1991, enjoys all the competences of comparable African Constitutional Courts, influenced by the French Constitutional Law. Especially the execution of its competence regarding election scrutiny can be considered as problematic, though; the latter mainly because of the state president’s practically rather high influence potential in terms of the appointment of constitutional judges.
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