DER MYTHOS VON DEN HUNG-KöNIGEN UND DAS NATIONALE SELBSTVERSTÄNDNIS DER VIETNAMESEN

Die vorliegende Untersuchung befaßt sich mit der neueren Interpretation der Vorund Frühgeschichte Vietnams durch die Historiker der Sozialistischen Republik Vietnam. Es geht uns dabei jedoch weniger um ein historisches Interesse, sondern vielmehr darum, an­ hand dieser Deutung aufzuzeigen, daß sich die herrschende Ideologie in Vietnam keineswegs im Lehrgebäude des Marxismus-Leninismus erschöpft, wie gemeinhin angenommen wird. Wie in allen Ländern der Dritten Welt steht auch in Vietnam die Frage nach der nationalen Identität im Prozeß der Dekolonisation im Vordergrund. Der Nationalismus in der Dritten Welt nährt sich so zum entscheidenden Teil von einer Ideologie, in der die eigene Vergan­ genheit und Tradition verherrlicht und romantisch verklärt werden. Hierin macht der viet­ namesische Nationalismus auch keine Ausnahme. Dieser Tatbestand, der sonst in der offi­ ziellen Ideologie verhüllt bleibt, soll in der folgenden Darstellung der Interpretation der Vorund Frühgeschichte in Vietnam verdeutlicht werden. In einem 1 941 verfaßten, von China aus an die Landsleute gerichteten Briefe, in dem sie zum Aufstand gegen die Franzosen und Japaner aufgerufen wurden, beschwor Ho Chi Minh auf eindringliche Weise, daß "mehr als zwanzig Millionen Abkömmlinge vom Geschlecht Lac-Hang nunmehr entschlossen sind, nicht länger das Schicksal der Sklaven zu erdulden "1. Später prägte er während des Indochina-Krieges das folgende, inzwischen in Vietnam popu­ lär gewordene Wort : "Die Hung-Könige haben das Verdienst gehabt, unseren Staat zu gründen, und nun ist uns als ihren Nachkommen die Pflicht aufgegeben, ihn gemeinsam zu verteidigen" (eie vua Hung da co cang dung nuoc, Bk chau ta phai cung nhau giu lay nuoc) . In beiden Fällen nahm Ho Chi Minh Bezug auf die überlieferung von den Hung-Königen, der zu folge einst im Kerngebiet des alten vietnamesischen Staates (Tonkin und Nord-An­ nam) vor der Zeit der ersten chinesischen Eroberung (im dritten Jahrhundert v. u. Z . ) ein Königreich namens Van-Iang existierte, dessen Gründer die Hung-Könige sein sollten. Die Hung-Könige gehörten danach zum Geschlecht Lac-Hang, das aus der Vereinigung der Ge­ schlechter des Drachens (rang) und der Fee (tien) hervorgegangen sein sollte . über achtzehn Generationen sollten sie das Reich Van-Iang regiert haben, bis es im dritten Jahrhundert v. u . Z . den Eroberern aus dem Norden zum Opfer fiel2 . Die Anspielung von Ha Chi Minh auf diese mythischen Gestalten und ihre heroischen Taten hat in diesem Kontext eine kaum zu verkennende politische Implikation : Die Vietnamesen, die im Laufe ihrer Geschichte fast ununterbrochen einer Fremdherrschaft ausgesetzt waren, sollten an ihre nationale Identität erinnert werden, und zugleich sollte der Legitimität des Kampfes um die Wiedergeburt der vietnamesischen Nation dadurch Nachdruck verliehen werden. Der Mythos von den Hung-Königen wurde zum ersten Mal in den Kompilationen "Viet dien u linh d.p" (Erzählungen über die unsichtbaren Mächte des Landes Viet) von Ly Te Xuyen und "Linh-nam chfch quai" (Erzählungen über die außergewöhnlichen Wesen von Linh-nam) von Tran The Phap niedergeschrieben, und zwar erst im 14 . bzw. 1 5 . Jahrhun-


By lOHN GOLDRING
The Constitution of Papua New Guinea, wh ich came into force when Papua New Guinea became Independent, is autochthonous. It seeks to give, of its own force, legal effect to all the statute and judge-made law of the country, so that the authority of law is in no way de pendent on any colonial law in force prior to Independence. It also seeks to establish the cus toms of the people, which were scarcaly recognised by the legal system prior to Indepen dence, the status of ,underlying law' and to require the legislature and the courts to give effect to the traditions of the people. The Constitution itself calls for great significance to be at tached to "Papua New Guinean Ways" . The Constitution is the result of a process of popu lar consultation unparalIelIed in any other country. Despite this, the Constitution of Papua New Guinea is firmly rooted in the traditions of Western culture, specifically, the Westminster system of government and the English Com mon Law. It is a complicated and highly legalistic document, which depends for its enforce ment on judicial review and enforcement by a court and lawyers trained in the Common Law and brought up to respect the traditions of responsible and representative government. De spite the exhortations in the Constitution to respect and enforce the traditions of the coun try, it is itself an instrument which requires for its effectiveness a legal culture which is not indigenous to Papua New Guinea, but is, in fact, the heritage of the Common Law which was imposed upon the country by its colonial rulers.

Labour Legislation in Algeria
By GONTER WIEDENSOHLER The Algerian Law No. 78-12 of 5th August, 1978 (Statut general des travailleurs) is a signific ant example for the concept of labour law in a socialist country in development. A remarqu ably high importance is given to labour relations even in the Charter and the Constitution. Further it is surprising to see that freedom to strike does not exist in the public economic sec tor nor the principle of state sovereignty of collective bargaining, social security regulations. At various places there are hints to the social obligation to work, the principle of achievement motivated remuneration and to the significance of the vocational school system. The new law is expected to lead to a high er standard of discipline and responsibility within the labour rela tions.
The Myth of the Hung-Kings and the National Self-Evidence of the Vietnamese The fact that marxism is the ruling ideology in Vietnam often seems to have the appearence to have overcome nationalism, which, otherwise, represents the most effective political ideol ogy in the Third World. It is the task of this essay to prove by means of an analysis of the offi cial interpretation on the myth of the Hung-kings that this fact is deceptive. These Hung kings were the legendary founders of the Vietnam state about whom there has been much re port in the vietnamese annales. In the quest for national identity the his tori ans of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam have attempted by means of a dubious interpretation to represent not only the legendary dynasty of the Hung-kings as a historical phenomenon as weil as the gol den age in vietnamese history , but also to emphasize the cultural and ethnic superiority of the Vietnamese as a opposed to other neighbouring nations . This interpretation causes the more than 1000 years chinese leadership as weil as the french colonial leadership and the subse quent cultural development of Vietnam to appear episodical and marginal. There is no doubt that this interpretation was of the utmost significance for forming a national conscience dur ing the liberation phase under french colonialism. It gives cause to think that particularly during the present time in Vietnam this interpretation is given even more attention, espe cially in the view of the fact that Vietnam itself has become a regional super power since 1975 .
Süd/Süd-Beziehungen und die Veränderung der Position der Peripherien in der Welt gesellschaft (Inter-periphery relations as a factor modifying the position of peripherical societies within the world society)

By BASSAM TIB!
A currently debated question is whether underdevelopment can best be overcome by a strategy of dessociation from the world market or via greater integration of the underde veloped countries (peripheries) in world trade and the world market (New International Economic Order). The author argues that this debate is being carried on in blissful ignorance of classical epistemological theory in that general concepts are employed devoid of any cor responding empirical conte nt and thus fail to mediate between the particular and the general in the Hegelian sense. General concepts in which the particular is not subsumed are empty notions. The author therefore pleads for an approach to development strategy based first on empirical findings which might then serve as a guide in conceptualization and the develop ment of a general theory. He attempts to illustrate this in his treatment of OPEC strategy in the world society.
Inter-periphery relations were formerly a matter of rather loose, non-specific, and heterogeneous political associations , such as the non-aligned, Afro-Asian movement, incap able of bringing about any changes. The OPEC in contrast is a trade union -like interest as sociation which has had a major impact. Prior to its foundation multinational companies were able to manipulate pos ted prices at will. First the OPEC achieved stabilization of oil prices and hence stabilization of members' income from oil. Later they were able to put through massive price increases. Currently the OPEC is striving to increase participation in decision-making processes hitherto determined by the oil companies. The OPEC example shows how a quasi trade union type of organisation among underdeveloped countries having homogeneous and specific interests in common is capable of altering structures of the world society in favour of the periphery. Whether or not this hypothesis may be generalized can only be decided by means of further empirical research; it can be neither confirmed nor dis proved by purely conceptual argument. The question of underdeveloped countries' in creased revenue from raw materials exports must, however, be dealt with in connection with the question of wh at is done with this income. A trade union-like strategy ought only to be promoted when such revenues are used to finance the overcoming of underdevelopment.