„Parlamentsfähig“? – Die Abgeordneten der AfD in den Landtagen und Bürgerschaften

Peter Rütters

doi:10.5771/0340-1758-2017-1-3

Contents
- Chapter Expand | CollapseAuthorsPage
- I–IV Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis I–IV
- 1–2 EDITORIAL Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer 1–2
- 3–162 DOKUMENTATION UND ANALYSEN 3–162
  - 3–24 „Parlamentsfähig“? – Die Abgeordneten der AfD in den Landtagen und Bürgerschaften Peter Rütters Peter Rütters 3–24
  - 25–39 Die mecklenburg-vorpommersche Landtagswahl vom 4. September 2016: Zäsur des regionalen Parteienwettbewerbs und Fortsetzung der Großen Koalition Martin Koschkar, Christian Nestler Martin Koschkar, Christian Nestler 25–39
  - 40–56 Die Berliner Abgeordnetenhauswahl vom 18. September 2016: Zersplitterung des Parteiensystems und halber Machtwechsel Oskar Niedermayer Oskar Niedermayer 40–56
  - 57–75 Die AfD: Eine Partei der sich ausgeliefert fühlenden Durchschnitts- verdiener? Knut Bergmann, Matthias Diermeier, Judith Niehues Knut Bergmann, Matthias Diermeier, Judith Niehues 57–75
  - 76–101 Vom euroskeptischen Herausforderer zur rechtsextremen Gefahr? Eine Untersuchung der regionalen Berichterstattung über die AfD in neun deutschen Landtagswahlkämpfen Julian Schärdel Julian Schärdel 76–101
  - 102–123 Politische Positionen der AfD auf Landesebene: Eine Analyse auf Basis von Wahl-O-Mat-Daten Eric Linhart Eric Linhart 102–123
  - 123–140 Die Programmatik der AfD: Inwiefern hat sie sich von einer primär euroskeptischen zu einer rechtspopulistischen Partei entwickelt? Joel Rosenfelder Joel Rosenfelder 123–140
  - 141–156 Das Einstimmen-Mischwahlsystem bei baden-württembergischen Landtagswahlen: Wie fehlende Listen zur ungleichen deskriptiven Repräsentation von Stadt und Land in den Fraktionen beitragen Thomas Däubler Thomas Däubler 141–156
  - 157–162 Zum Recht einer Fraktion auf eine Anhörung im Ausschuss. Urteil des Verfassungsgerichtshofs Sachsen vom 27. Oktober 2016 Florian Edinger Florian Edinger 157–162
- 163–210 AUFSÄTZE 163–210
  - 163–185 Die Rückforderung zweckwidrig verwendeter Fraktionsmittel im System des Parlamentsrechts Christian Neumeier, Christian Waldhoff Christian Neumeier, Christian Waldhoff 163–185
  - 186–210 Ist die Anrechnung von Altersrenten gemäß § 29 AbgG auf die Entschädigung von Abgeordneten verfassungskonform? Stefanie Schmahl Stefanie Schmahl 186–210
- 211–215 DISKUSSION 211–215
  - Der diskrete Charme einer Minderheitsregierung Karlheinz Niclauß Karlheinz Niclauß
- 216–235 REZENSIONEN 216–235
- 236–240 MITTEILUNGEN 236–240
- 241–246 ABSTRACTS 241–246
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ZParl Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen , page 3 - 24

„Parlamentsfähig“? – Die Abgeordneten der AfD in den Landtagen und Bürgerschaften

Autoren

Peter Rütters

DOI
- doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2017-1-3
- ISSN: 0340-1758
- ISSN online: 0340-1758
Zusammenfassung

Since they first entered a regional Parliament on state level (Bundesländer) in 2014, the far right “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) went on to being represented in nine further state parliaments. Given that the AfD was founded only two years before, in 2012, the question arises whether its parliament members are “ready for parliament”. Or put differently, are they equipped with sufficient intellectual capabilities and do they have enough institutional experiences to be able to meet the requirements necessary to handle the challenging parliamentary procedures required for constructive policy making. On the one hand the social profile of the AfD MPs, especially their school education, postsecondary education and professional qualifications do not differ much from representatives of other (established) parties. On the other hand most AfD MPs lack political experience, which is indispensable for engaging in constructive parliamentary activities. Only few AfD representatives have been active in political parties other than the AfD, have been elected to a municipal council, and have been a member of parliament or a member of a government on state level. It is disputable whether these extraordinary lack of political engagement and political experi ence can be compensated by a kind of training on the job as member of the state parliament, provided that the AfD parliamentary groups intend to contribute to constructive policy making in parliament at all.

Abstract

Since they first entered a regional Parliament on state level (Bundesländer) in 2014, the far right “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) went on to being represented in nine further state parliaments. Given that the AfD was founded only two years before, in 2012, the question arises whether its parliament members are “ready for parliament”. Or put differently, are they equipped with sufficient intellectual capabilities and do they have enough institutional experiences to be able to meet the requirements necessary to handle the challenging parliamentary procedures required for constructive policy making. On the one hand the social profile of the AfD MPs, especially their school education, postsecondary education and professional qualifications do not differ much from representatives of other (established) parties. On the other hand most AfD MPs lack political experience, which is indispensable for engaging in constructive parliamentary activities. Only few AfD representatives have been active in political parties other than the AfD, have been elected to a municipal council, and have been a member of parliament or a member of a government on state level. It is disputable whether these extraordinary lack of political engagement and political experi ence can be compensated by a kind of training on the job as member of the state parliament, provided that the AfD parliamentary groups intend to contribute to constructive policy making in parliament at all.
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