Hugh Dauncey, Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France: the Véloce-club bordelais (1878–92) in:

STADION, page 231 - 254

STADION, Volume 44 (2020), Issue 2, ISSN: 0172-4029, ISSN online: 0172-4029, https://doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-231

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Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France: the Véloce-club bordelais (1878–92) Hugh Dauncey* Abstract. The short-lived Véloce-club bordelais (1878–92) was one of France’s leading Belle époque cycling clubs. Although provincial, it was influential in developing cyclesport nationally, including creating Bordeaux-Paris (1891), one of the founding races of cycling as a developing sport. Study of the internal life of the club shows how its social and sporting identity negotiated centrifugual and centripital forces within the institutional framework of associationism. Searching for the best organisational model for cycling sport and associativity in a period of rapid change in French sport and society, the club was refounded on a number of occasions but, despite many achievements, ultimately collapsed. As an early pioneer club, the Véloce-club bordelais (VCB) was partly a victim of its own success: having struggled to create a new ecosystem of cycling as sport and sociability, changing interests of Bordeaux’s social elite in new, motorised pursuits, or to cycle-touring rather than racing, removed the raison d’être of the club. The club’s demise subsequently created space in the sports-scape for new cycling clubs and other sports associations. Detailed analysis of club activities, internal organisation and management, membership and finances is enabled by its symbiotic relationship with the Véloce- Sport newspaper, which published and discussed much of the club’s sporting, social and administrative life. Close interpretation of the VCB’s brief but intense history shows how sporting sociability intersected with local government, politics and society and how the internal functioning of sports associations in France’s Belle époque demonstrates the significance of sports clubs as part of civil society. Keywords: France; Bordeaux; associationism; sports clubs; cycling; Véloce-Sport. In mid-1867 visitors from all of France to the Exposition Universelle in Paris saw the new velocipedes which were becoming increasingly common in the capital’s streets. Interest spread and was encouraged regionally: in Bordeaux in the South west, cycle races were organised in central Bordeaux – for both men and women – on 1 November 1868 in the fashionable Parc Bordelais.1 In November 1869, one of the road races that are generally deemed to have initiated cycling competition in France was run from Paris to Rouen.2 In following years, cycling spread throughout France, and in urban centres such as Le Havre, Angers, Paris and Bordeaux a mania for ‘vélocipédie’ arose, especially as French society, politics and the economy recovered from the Franco-Prussian war (1870–71), the founding of the Third Republic (1870), the Paris Commune (1871), and as French sport began a phase of accelerated development.3 In Bordeaux, as early as 1877, * Newcastle University – hugh.dauncey@ncl.ac.uk. 1 Louis, “Courses de Vélocipèdes au Parc-Bordelais.” 2 For discussion of the race, see Kobayashi, Histoire du vélocipède, 292–308. 3 Sports history in France has burgeoned in recent decades in French and anglophone studies. Early founding works in English were: Weber, “Pierre de Coubertin and the introduction of organised sport in France;” Weber, “Gymnastics and Sports in Fin-de- Siècle France;” Holt, Sport and Society in Modern France. For a summary of the field, see Holt, “France,” 34–7. Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020, S. 231 – 254, DOI: 10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-231 an amateur cyclist from Angers – Joseph Laval – was instrumental in preparing the ground for the Véloce-club bordelais (VCB),4 an association of ‘vélocipédistes’ which quickly became one of the most influential, indeed arguably the foremost – regionally and nationally – of all cycling clubs setting up throughout France.5 The club was short-lived – it was legally founded in December 1878 following a period of ‘unofficial’ activity, and liquidated in early 1892 – but during the 1880s cycling in Bordeaux, led by the Véloce-club bordelais, contributed to defining the character of French cycling.6 The major – sporting – achievement of the club was the Bordeaux-Paris race first organised in 1891 with the Véloce-Sport newspaper, recognised as a key point in the invention of modern cycle competition. Apart from this race, the ‘model’ of cycling club organisation and the interpretations of what ‘cycling’ was about in the 1880s produced by the VCB now shed intriguing light on French club cycling (‘le cyclisme associatif’) in the late-nineteenth century. Founding of cycling clubs in Belle époque France occurred in two phases: 1868–70, and 1880–1914. Poyer has demonstrated that 40 clubs appeared in the three years before the Franco-Prussian War, whereas only six arose during the rest of the 1870s. In the 1880s registrations of new clubs rose, giving some hundred clubs at the close of the decade.7 At its first constitution in 1878, the VCB was thus a rare club founded at the start of cycling ‘associativity’, in a local context of particularly strong interest in physical education, health and sport, evidenced by the near contemporaneous creation – in October 1878 – of the Ligue Girondine d’éducation physique.8 The club’s re-founding in 1888 came in a phase seen as the ‘golden age’ of cycling associations,9 but notwithstanding conditions that seemed propitious nationally and regionally for cycling sociability, by 1892 the club had failed. Why did the Véloce-club bordelais, seemingly so robust and influential, last little more than a decade, whereas other clubs – for example the Véloce-club rouennais (1869) and Véloce-club rennais (1869) – remain alive even to the present day?10 4 N.B., a grouping named “Véloce-club bordelais” registered in November 2018, to promote cycling and motoring heritage. See www.journal-officiel.gouv.fr/association s/detail-annonce/associations_b/20180046/1094 (accessed October 24, 2020). 5 One near contemporary appraisal – an 1899 history of Bordeaux-Paris – described the VCB as “first” in France: Coquelle and Breyer, La Course classique, 7. An 1896 “insider” view was given in ex-VCB member Maurice Martin’s Grande Enquête sportive, 38. 6 The club was authorised by prefectoral decree on December 13, 1878. See ADG, IR-112. According to Martin, ibid., 40, the founder members were: Oscar and Ferdinand Maillotte, Rodolphe Bertin, “Brouillet” and “Berthomé”. 7 Poyer, Premiers Temps, 21. 8 The Ligue was established by VCB founders, particularly Drs Bergonié and Philippe Tissié, and M.M. Lanneluc-Sanson, Martin and Panajou. 9 Poyer, Premiers temps, 120. 10 Lacking space, this article does not discuss VCB support for the Union Vélocipédique de France (UVF, 1881), promotion of regional federations, cycletouring, military cycling and physical education. These form another study. 232 Hugh Dauncey Historians of French sport often find documentation on early sports clubs to be limited: clubs have not conserved records or bequeathed them to archives.11 Secondly, although official authorisations of ‘associations’ may provide archive material, this can be partial. For the VCB – a club of national significance – archives are lost, and the official administrative documentation held in Bordeaux Municipal archives and Gironde Départmental archives is incomplete. However, the VCB was closely associated with an influential cycling newspaper – Le Véloce- Sport12 – that reported the club’s activities systematically. It is this that allows the club’s fuller history to be traced. Engaging in 2008 with Szymanski’s much debated theorisation of the origins of sporting associativity in the UK, US, Germany and France,13 MacLean noted how sports history had suffered “a tendency to leave the basic units of sports organization, the clubs, to the antiquarians”; he pointed out that “sports clubs have been treated as axiomatic” and, therefore, that some sports history may be based on sandy foundations. In 2013, MacLean described study of sports clubs as not “entirely absent”, but forming somewhat a “gap” in sports history.14 Sports historiography in France has arguably been readier to consider sports clubs than some other national academic traditions, but the club studied here has – perhaps because of the lack of direct archival material – so far been neglected. Discussing nineteenth century French sports clubs – notably in the South west – before the changes introduced by the Loi 1901 on associations, Jacques Thibault suggested that cycling clubs had served to “spread and transform sociability”. He considered the period – essentially – 1860–1900, and identified major changes in the nature of clubs during these decades.15 Thibault made no reference to the VCB, which as a club active in the middle of this early phase of the development of sports associations nevertheless illustrates his notion of the period as one of transition. For Thibault, 1880 marked a “rupture” between “aristocratic presport” and new practices of bourgeois sporting sociability: the VCB of 1878 and its iterations of 1882 and 1888 show how many aspects of these new practices evolved. This article looks at the Véloce-club bordelais in terms of its organisation and structure, sociability and associationism, finance and commerce, public utility and politics. In the following section we consider French theories about ‘associationism’. 11 Poyer, “Un tour de France cycliste des archives départementales et municipales,” 108. 12 Founded 1885 by Maurice Lanneluc-Sanson and Fernand Ladevèze in Bordeaux. 13 Szymanski, “Theory of the Evolution of Modern Sport.” 14 MacLean, “Evolving Modern Sport,” 49; MacLean, “A Gap but Not an Absence.” 15 Thibault, “Sociétés et clubs sportifs.” Specific trends Thibault highlighted were: occasional persistence of non-sporting activities (such as gambling, disapproved of by authorities) characteristic of earlier cultural “circles”; and a gradual abandoning of philanthropic activities as clubs increasingly focused solely on sport. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 233 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 French sports clubs in the Belle époque: ‘Associationism’ The sports historians Hubscher, Durry and Jeu have set out the factors at work in the creation and running of early véloce-clubs. Principally, these were: influences of existing sports and clubs (particularly horseracing); influence of the ‘modèle anglais’ (or ‘English example’); and the legal and social nature of the structure itself of ‘l’association’.16 The most significant of these factors was arguably what is termed – in French historiography and sociology of sport – ‘l’associationnisme’. Associationism and cycling The ‘cercle’ (‘circle’, or club) in nineteenth century France was an intermediary body between state and individual citizen. By bringing together individuals of like passions – political, cultural, or sporting – in associations regulated by municipal authorities, Interior ministry and their own statutes and regulations, clubs were deemed to exercise ‘democratic education’ through social networks of shared rights and responsibilities. Much historical analysis of French sporting associations in draws on the work of Maurice Agulhon on political and cultural ‘cercles’ in the early and mid-1900s17 and explores how the mania for associations during 1870–1914 linked sport, sociability, and republicanism in search of what Hubscher, Durry and Jeu describe as the contemporary dream of a “united, fraternal and equal sporting sociability”.18 Proposed by Agulhon, the concept of associationism has been much developed in French sports historiography, used in analysis of sporting groupings marked by class, religion, gender and other identities.19 Applying ‘associationism’ to early véloce-clubs, Hubscher, Durry and Jeu summarise the issues: How did cycling clubs’ statutes and their management represent ‘training in democracy’ (‘apprentissage démocratique’)? How did cycling intersect with the patriotic ideal of the ‘soldier-citizen’ (‘soldat-citoyen’)? How did cycling associations create and maintain their identities? How did cycle-club activities interact with traditional festivities and commemorations? To what extent did sporting associations encourage fraternity and solidarity?20 These will be discussed in the analysis of the activities of the club that follows, but it is useful here to give some preliminary consideration to how the VCB fits the model of associationism. 1 1.1 16 Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements. 17 Agulhon, Cercle dans la France bourgeoise. 18 “Une sociabilité sportive une, fraternelle et égalitaire,” in Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements, 109. 19 A key author is Pierre Arnaud. See, for example: Arnaud and Camy, Naissance du mouvement sportif associatif en France; Arnaud, “La sociabilité sportive.” 20 Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements, 95–109. 234 Hugh Dauncey Democracy and politics That statutes and management of cycling clubs represented ‘training in democracy’ in the early Third Republic is broadly supported by the history of the VCB. The club’s statutes,21 as those of a pioneering association served as a template for other clubs,22 and detailed the organisation and administration of activities. Sports clubs of the period have been described as “experimental democracies”,23 and the VCB certainly debated matters thoroughly. The statutes of 1878 provided for a framework of meetings, discussion and voting. Minutes and press reports of business illustrate that meetings were frequent and lengthy even though held late in the evenings. Meetings were not always quorate, and committee officers frequently resigned because work pressures made it impossible to fulfil onerous club duties.24 In 1888 the revised statutes of the VCB as a limited company added further complexities, and the possibility, as much as an apprenticeship to democracy, of a training in capitalism. The VCB was a key promoter of cycling’s contribution to the ideal of the ‘soldier-citizen’. The Véloce-Sport advocated ‘vélocipédie militaire’ (military cycling) and hosted debates in its columns in the mid- and late 1880s, and club and newspaper organised national conferences. But cycling clubs’ enthusiasm for military cycling could be financially onerous, as the VCB found. Also, in Bordeaux, it would seem, ‘vélocipédie militaire’ was promoted by the VCB partly to assist club negotiations for Town hall subsidies, and because the VCB relied on military authorities for stewards and music at cycle race meetings. As Szymanski has suggested in discussion of gymnastics clubs – likewise deemed to be supportive of state interests – “it is questionable whether all or even most members saw the clubs as much more than a form of licensed sociability”.25 Thus although the merits of ‘vélocipédie militaire’ were probably accepted, it was also, rather as for associations of physical education such as the Ligue girondine d’éducation physique patronised by prominent club-member Dr Philippe Tissié, a link to the public-good which was a means of attracting financial and political support.26 1.2 21 See ADG, IR-112 and IR-106. 22 Other club statutes in the Archives clearly copied from those of the VCB. After the club’s 1888 reconstitution the new statutes were requested by other clubs. See “Que font les clubs?,” Véloce-Sport, December 20, 1888. We use the convention ‘V-S’ in future references to the Véloce-Sport. 23 Grange, Apprentissage de l’association, 106. 24 See, e.g. “Echos des clubs,” V-S, January 23, 1890, for resignation of committee members. 25 Szymanski, “Theory of the Evolution of Modern Sport,” 21. 26 VCB belief in military cycling was stressed in 1889, when Maurice Martin explained the need to demonstrate cycling’s utility: “we want to show sceptics that we see the useful alongside the pleasurable”: “Pantagruel”, “Manifestation Unioniste,” 1025–26. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 235 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 Membership and identity Creating and maintaining club ‘identity’ challenged the VCB. Theoretically, shared identity came with passion for cycling, but practically, differing passions for different kinds of cycling inexorably fragmented identity. The VCB used the standard instruments of place, behaviour and process to foster identity: club premises in Bordeaux; expectations of good conduct; careful admission procedures. But the (complex) identity that these created was eventually insufficient to prevent the club’s early demise under various pressures. The VCB enjoyed club premises in various cafés – sometimes belonging to club members – in central Bordeaux, and organised social functions to maintain solidarity, such as from 1889, monthly dinners (and, especially, annual dinners, high-points of ‘sporting sociability’). In 1888, new club headquarters in Cours Victor-Hugo replaced that on the prestigious Allées de Tourny, but frequent changing of locale and competition for members’ attention from the Saint-Augustin vélodrome in the Caudéran suburb undermined ‘clubhouse’ attendance. Another – non-sporting – call on club members’ time was the VCB box at the Grand Théâtre. A basic safeguard for recruitment was proposing and seconding by existing members. Membership lists illustrate that several members lived in single buildings in central Bordeaux, demonstrating the club’s ‘social reproduction’. Addresses of principal club members post-1888 show a concentration in a prestigious quarter of central Bordeaux. However, problems arose ensuring suitable recruitment and proper conduct: in 1886 and 1887 there was some bad behaviour, and suggestions that a ‘lower class’ element had entered the club. In June 1890 scandal arose over forged telegrams sent by a member, and in November 1890, abusive correspondence was received. Difficulties in building ‘identity’ and sociability came partly from the nature of membership: identity within the VCB was defined by being a committee member and club officer; a statutory founder-member shareholder (post-1888); a simple sporting member (‘membre actif’); a ‘social’ member, a professional rider, or another (non-official) club member. Additionally, when issues of amateurism and professionalism intensified in the late 1880s,27 the place of riders racing professionally under VCB colours created further divisions.28 Shared identity was always jeopardised by the dispersion of club members’ energies and loyalties by the club’s varied activities, such as: running the club, racing and organising of races; road riding and organising tours; training and attending at the track; frequenting social evenings; (rowdy) patronising of the Grand Théâtre, or post-1888, running a company. Wearing club uniform while riding, or even an attachment to the club’s name – when the VCB changed statutes in 1888 to become a limited company it effectively ‘bought’ the old club’s title – were finally not strong enough bonds to resist centripetal forces. 1.3 27 Amateurism – as for many sports – divided clubs, governing bodies and media. In France, issues often centred on antagonism between British “amateur” values and French “professional” approaches. 28 In April 1890 the VCB rejected the application of professional racer Henri Loste as a “racing-member”, to preserve the club’s reputation. 236 Hugh Dauncey Festivity new and old Hubscher, Durry and Jeu suggest that cycling clubs’ activities interacted with existing patterns of festivity and commemoration in ways both reflecting continuing traditions, and replacing them by modern forms of popular entertainment.29 This seems to have occurred for the VCB. The revised 1888 statutes committed the club to support charitable events and public festivities through races organised with municipal authorities, suggesting that the club would respect traditions. Scheduling of race meetings was submitted to city authorities for approval and sporting calendars were designed to complement existing events. However successful cycle racing was as spectacle it could not compete with traditional festivities such as the Bordeaux Fair or draw bourgeois elites from horseracing or yachting regattas. Hubscher, Durry and Jeu contrast cycling clubs – which worked with traditional calendars of festivity – and sports associations of ‘social distinction’ such as yachting, golf and tennis, whose event management paid less heed to communal calendars of celebration and commemoration.30 Sport in Bordeaux in the late 19th Century: Bourgeois Anglomania? Numerous studies touching tangentially on leisure attest the strength of associative sociability in Bordeaux in the 1800s, stressing how higher social classes in Bordeaux were active in numerous clubs, mostly termed ‘circles’ or ‘salons’.31 Such groupings focused on religion, charity, literature, art, and music, or followed natural history or the sciences, or catered for traditional elite pastimes of horse-racing, breeding and riding, hunting, and so on. The rise of cycling and the English influence After mid-century, associations promoting sport of socially exclusive kinds forms such as fencing, real tennis, tennis, yachting, and rowing arose, but it was after 1870 that more recognisable “sport and exercise societies”32 began to appear in force, and cycling clubs were to the fore. Cycling in Bordeaux was advanced in the 1880s; Bordeaux rather than Toulouse was foremost in promoting sport in the South West.33 In 1898, journalist Maurice Martin (from Bordeaux and a former VCB member) described Bordeaux as part of a “Holy trinity” of early French cycling alongside Angers and Grenoble34 and Weber characterises Bor- 1.4 2 2.1 29 Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements, 107. 30 Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements, 107. 31 See Charles, Révolution de 1848; Duffort, Aspects de la vie culturelle bordelaise; Guillaume, Histoire des Bordelais; Desgraves and Dupeux, Bordeaux au XIXe siècle. 32 Jullian, Histoire de Bordeaux, 747. 33 Poyer, Premiers temps, 25. 34 Martin, Grande Enquête sportive, 39. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 237 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 deaux as the leading proponent of sport in the South West.35 Overall, Bordeaux powered sporting innovation, and its early adoption of the bicycle demonstrated how the city’s international cosmopolitanism helped it embrace ‘modernity’ easier than regional rival Toulouse.36 Significant in this openness to sporting modernity is considered to be the presence of expatriate Britons, as was the case in numerous other locations. As well as new sports, sporting-minded British expatriates brought Corinthian amateur values so admired by many French. Bordeaux in the late nineteenth century seemed more anglophile than other French cities; Weber described it as a “bastion of anglomania”,37 and censuses of the late 1800s demonstrate that 1886 marked the peak of British immigration, when the ‘English influence’ came from a thousand British residents. This population halved over the following decade and was immigration of skilled individuals, who although their overall economic impact was not necessarily great, exercised considerable sociocultural influence on elites, introducing sports in vogue in Britain such as tennis and golf to Bordeaux, in some cases even before they reached Paris.38 The popularity of tennis and golf in South West France in the late nineteenth century was facilitated by British populations in Bordeaux, Bayonne-Biarritz and Pau, but influence of British sport was perhaps greater in the grande bourgeoisie’s traditional passions of hunting, horseracing, yachting and rowing. ‘High society’ in Bordeaux focused on such classic pastimes, for which new structures arose in the 1870s such as the Cercle Rowing Club de Bordeaux (1870) and the Société du Sport nautique de la Gironde (1878), but the vogue for new sporting associations of all kinds during the latter part of the century demonstrated a spread of sporting leisure – often of English origin – to other classes as well, in a process of ‘democratisation’ which created over eighty sports clubs in Bordeaux between 1880 and 1914.39 Analysis of sport and sociability in Bordeaux contemporaneous to the VCB suggests that traditional ‘sport-spectacle’ of horseracing and ‘courses landaises’ gradually became flanked by the ‘sport-jeu’ activities of ‘omni-sport’ clubs (e.g. the Bordeaux Athletic club, 1877) and specialised sports societies (such as the Stade Bordelais, 1895: rugby) that grew up from the 1870s. For cycling, studies suggest some 500 regular practitioners in Bordeaux around 1900, spread across a score of clubs of differing natures, cycling enthusiasts from all classes – from clerks to professors of medicine – engaged in ‘excursions’ or racing.40 35 Weber, “Gymnastics and Sports,” 87. 36 Poyer, Premiers temps, 25. 37 Weber, “Préface.” 38 Dupeux, “L’immigration britannique à Bordeaux,” 235. 39 Desgrange and Dupeux, Bordeaux au XIXe siècle, 446. 40 Ibid., 449. 238 Hugh Dauncey Democratisation and club membership The notion of ‘democratisation’ needs discussion, both in terms of how much the local élites became involved in cycling, and how far the new activity of cycling and access to cycling clubs concerned more modest socio-professional categories. Analyses of French sporting associations have demonstrated how membership tended to fall into categories corresponding to different roles and functions within the club.41 A fundamental division between members obtains between organisers and practitioners, separating sporting members and club officers, who because of burdens of club administration and professional commitments may abandon sporting activity. Another division is between ordinary members and officials, and ‘honorary members’ of high social standing recruited by clubs for support. ‘Membres honoraires’ were often crucial to cycling clubs in giving social – and political – validation, and helped attract members of higher socio-professional standing and wealth.42 VCB membership was preponderantly upper-middle class, and it is unclear how far the club was supported either by the true Bordeaux elite, or members of British origin. A study of late nineteenth century socioeconomic elites in Bordeaux suggests that ‘elite society’ comprised traditional wine and shipping dynasties, and ‘parvenu’ families from trade or business which together formed a ‘Patriciat’ above managerial and executive professions of the developing industrial economy.43 It is these classes that apparently provided VCB membership. A club in the South West arguably more influenced by ‘anglomanie’ was the Véloce-club béarnais in Pau, founded 1881 with an expatriate British captain as president.44 The VCB seemed on occasion somewhat anti-British. Anglophobia is indicated by argument in 1890 over language: should the term ‘Meeting’ describe races, or some French word?45 The Véloce-Sport and reports of VCB committee meetings relate exasperation at British interpretations of ‘amateurism’, and how narrow ‘Corinthian’ approaches to sport stifled competition. Cycling in the 1880s and 1890s was striving to define the status of riders and the financial bases of a new ‘sport-spectacle’ of considerable commercial significance. The inaugural Bordeaux-Paris race in 1891 involved British riders, as the VCB restricted the race to French and foreign amateurs to guarantee participation by UK stars, but in 1892 they stayed away, fearful of National Cyclists’ Union (NCU) penalties for riding against French professionals. Although deemed amateurs by the NCU, riders such as G. P. Mills – victor of Bordeaux-Paris in 1891 – were paid by 2.2 41 See, e.g., Hubscher, Durry, and Jeu, Histoire en mouvements, 108. 42 Poyer, Premiers temps, 99. Elite members facilitated approval of clubs by authorities. Jean-Pierre Callède suggests that confusion over clubs’ legal status before the 1901 law on Associations made influential backing crucial. See Callède, Histoire du sport en France, 45. 43 Bonin, “Les Elites économiques des fins-de-siècle en Aquitaine.” 44 See Descamps, Vie sportive à Pau; Dauncey, “Le Vélo Pyrénéen et le Bulletin officiel du Véloce-Club béarnais.” 45 “Véloce-Club bordelais. Séance des deux comités,” 98. The term “Congrès vélocipédique” was used for the April races. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 239 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 bicycle manufacturers. Such confusion explains exasperation felt in France towards British cycling.46 In the 1860s French cycling led the world, but after the Franco-Prussian war it declined, socially, industrially and commercially. By the 1880s, however, cycling clubs, newspapers, velodromes and manufacturers were asserting a French ‘model’ of cycle sport that would culminate in 1900 in the French-inspired Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI) and Tour de France (1903), moulding cycle racing throughout the Twentieth century. Franco-British relations in cycling in the 1880s and 1890s were marked by wary admiration, mistrust and competition. Véloce-club bordelais ‘associativity’: leisure, sociability, racing, and finance The original 1878 regulations of the VCB set out in comprehensive detail – twenty-four pages and sixty articles – the aims and functioning of the club.47 The nineteen founder members48 undertook to popularize interest in and use of the velocipede; to encourage the cycle industry; to organise races; to provide useful information to cyclists; and to set up a meeting place in Bordeaux for riders and like-minded individuals. The annual membership fee was set at FF. 12, payable in four instalments. Above and beyond the explicit aims of encouraging cycling – which are generic and shared by other clubs – the VCB’s regulations minutely defined the life of the association, explicitly in terms of administrative procedures and implicitly in terms of members’ behaviour. 1878–1887: a club of ‘bourgeois speed’? The VCB’s social composition is hard to define precisely, given sparse information. However, the VCB’s refounding in 1888 as a ‘société civile et anonyme’ – or limited liability company – in which approximately fifty named members purchased shares – provides statistics on class. Problematically, these ‘membres fondateurs statutaires’ were those able to invest money in their pastime, and therefore the shareholder register exaggerates representation of monied middleclasses. The occupational status of shareholders can be summarised as follows: nearly 40 % were ‘négociants’ (wine merchants); 11 % were self-defined as ‘without profession’ (leisured) or landlords; 9 % were other professionals of various kinds; and 7 % were bicycle manufacturers. The remaining 33 % of founder- 3 3.1 46 Franco-British tensions in cycling covered, e.g.: integrity of French timekeepers, reliability of French chronometers, superiority of French or British tracks, amongst other more “ideological” issues. 47 ADG, IR-112. 48 The president was a certain “A. Diaz de Soria”. The Diaz de Soria family in Bordeaux were minor Spanish nobility; some were famous musicians. It seems likely that the VCB’s first president was Aaron (known as Alexandre), born 1823 in Bordeaux. He later seems to have owned a prestigious clothing outfitters. Little mention is made of Diaz de Soria in the Véloce-Sport; the president 1883–86 was in contrast the proselytizing cyclist Pierre Rousset (1836–1917). 240 Hugh Dauncey member investors were ‘commerçants’ (shopkeepers) and artisans of different kinds. Without belonging to the highest – ‘aristocratic’ – levels of Bordeaux society, the some 60 % of ‘négociant’, property-owner, lawyer, doctor, banker and architect members of the VCB nevertheless clearly represented the region’s growing professional bourgeoisie.49 The VCB existed during the first of three ages of cycling in France, as defined by Philippe Gaboriau.50 This first age was that of ‘bourgeois speed’, for men, naturally, although as early as 1885 the club was forward-thinking enough to consider admitting women, before eventually deciding not to put the question to a vote.51 In 1888, the VCB was again innovative – more successfully – in widening membership, by creating the first cycling club in France specifically for young riders – the Véloce-club lycéen – attached to the senior association. But overall, the club was male, adult, and essentially upper middle class, and as discussed below, its focus was – mainly – on speed and racing. However, as in many clubs, some were interested more in ‘touring’ than in competition, and this created tensions within the club.52 Races and local politics On 27 August 1879 the VCB staged its first road race on local roads between Bordeaux, the adjoining village of Pessac and back.53 Track racing followed at Parc Bordelais, and throughout the 1880s the Club organised prestigious ‘Grandes Courses Internationales’ – usually twice yearly – on temporary or permanent tracks in Bordeaux. Race-days were usually held at Place des Quinconces, and were hugely popular, attracting thousands of spectators, involving military bands, police and soldiers, the preparation of the ‘track’, erection of stands for spectators, and even temporary electric lighting. Very important for the VCB was that competition was ‘international’ – essentially it involved British riders – as French sport fixated on British sporting values and achievements. These bi-annual race festivals and other races involved the VCB in negotiations with city authorities, as well as with the national cycling ‘federation’ – the Union Vélocipédique française (UVF) founded in 1881 – and its developing framework for the organisation of cycle racing. The VCB was keen to obtain municipal funding, making great case of cycling’s popularity, of the sport’s contribution to public health, and promising race festival takings to the city’s poor. Frequently, however, the Council refused 3.1.1 49 Compiled from information in Supplément au Véloce-Sport, 1888. 50 Gaboriau, “Les trois âges du vélo en France.” “Bourgeois speed” lasted until the mid-1890s, when more affordable used or new bicycles and growing middle-class interest in motorized transport initiated the age of “working-class speed”. Since the 1970s, cycling is in the era of “ecological speed”. 51 “Véloce-club bordelais,” V-S, January 21, 1886, 714; “Sun,” “Admission des Dames,” 21–2. 52 There was apparently as early as 1882 a “reconstitution” of the club, caused by some difficulty. This brought Rousset to the presidency. 53 AMB, 1817-R-10. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 241 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 any specific finance, often furnishing only prize medals, and ignoring pleas for direct subsidies. The Council was perhaps aware that the VCB was often – but not always – financially secure in the early- and mid-1880s, with between 300 and 500 members and generally profitable ‘international races’.54 Instances of the club’s relationship with politics, public space, the public sphere and the public good are numerous. For example, in August 1882 the VCB requested Mairie permission to hold races in Bordeaux, emulating those already organised in Agen, Lyon, Tours, Angers and Pau. Perhaps exaggerating these towns’ successes, the VCB pressured the council for approval, so that Bordeaux would not lag behind. Specifically, the VCB hoped to arrange a ‘belle fête vélocipédique’ in Parc Bordelais (on the race course) in late September 1882 involving French and English champions. Correspondence shows the VCB’s agreement to donate half the profits to the poor, and the council’s refusal of funding. Then protracted negotiations with the council’s Division des Beaux-Arts postponed the races to February 1883. In 1884 the council relented, and provided a gold medal worth FF. 100 for racing in May at Place des Quinconces, where damage caused by riders then required the VCB to pay for repairs.55 In 1885, VCB race-meeting activities intensified, with international races initially planned for April and the hosting of the UVF congress and French national Championships in May. But these races were repeatedly postponed by the Mairie and VCB to avoid clashes with traditional or political events such as: horseracing at the Le Bouscat hippodrome, annual sailing regattas, Senate elections, Victor Hugo’s funeral, and the annual Foire de Bordeaux. These vicissitudes suggest that the new sport was not completely sweeping society and politics before it, as its ‘fêtes’ were competing for public space and festive-commemorative time with traditional events and celebrations. It was probably such clashes with other sports, commerce, festivities or politics that in 1885 led the VCB to consider acquiring its own Saint-Augustin track, to guarantee training facilities for local riders (and a dedicated space for competition). This velodrome – which came into service in May 1886 and closed in 1895 – encouraged the club to suggest a regular calendar of events – invariably described as ‘charitables et sportives’ – at Place des Quinconces in May and September annually, months with no other ‘fêtes publiques’. These events ran in 1886, 1887 and 1888, but suffered problems of finance (FF. 27,000 in costs), organisation (unavailability of soldiers providing security, or military bands) and bad weather, which postponed the meetings, or brought low attendance and box-office losses.56 54 The Rapports et délibérations of Bordeaux civic authorities available on Gallica.fr suggest funding for cycling was refused more frequently than for, say, more elitist yachting, rowing and horseracing associations; e.g. August 21, 1883. 55 30,000 people reportedly attended these races. See “Argus,” Le Figaro, May 8, 1884, 6. 56 Commentary on VCB activities in previous paragraphs draws on its correspondence with the Town Hall: AMB, 1817-R-10. 242 Hugh Dauncey Approved by the council,57 the Saint-Augustin track in the suburb of Caudéran – a proper velodrome – with changing rooms, a café, and spectator stands was an expensive undertaking, requiring leasing the site from the Ville de Bordeaux, building of infrastructures and wages for the track attendant, but ambitions were high, and the VCB aimed to make Bordeaux a true centre of cycling innovation regionally and nationally.58 Prestigious as the velodrome became, the costs of its construction and running were ultimately crucial in the club’s demise in 1891. Building a sports-media complex, and a velodrome From the mid- and late 1880s VCB fortunes became intimately linked with the Bordeaux-based fortnightly cycling sports newspaper Le Véloce-Sport. The Véloce- Sport was founded in March 1885 by Fernand Ladevèze and Maurice Lanneluc- Sanson (a leading VCB member) and in 1886 absorbed its Montpellier-based competitor Le Véloceman, a Franco-British publication run by famous trainer H. O. Duncan. In 1889 the Véloce-Sport was acquired by three VCB members who were journalists: Paul Rousseau, Maurice Martin and Emile Jegher. In 1893 it absorbed the (French) cycling journal The French Cyclist, subsequently being published in Paris.59 Many writers for Véloce-Sport were important VCB members, to the point where the newspaper refuted accusations from other – mainly Parisian – journals that it was merely the VCB’s club newsletter. Like the VCB, the Véloce-Sport hoped to represent the Bordeaux ‘model’ of cycling at national level, and to debate developments in cycle sport on equal terms with Parisian sporting journals. The VCB’s symbiotic relationship with the Véloce-Sport is a case study of the contemporary sports-media complex. At this stage in cycling’s development, spectacular racing events and publicity were essential to promote the sport in general, and in particular to ensure profitability for clubs staging events and running velodromes. The shared personnel of VCB and Véloce-Sport even before the conception of Bordeaux-Paris in 1891 ensured even higher regional and national visibility for the club. As did the Bordeaux-based generalist daily La Petite Gironde from 1899, the Véloce-Sport gave a home to journalists who were significant cultural intermediaries for cycling.60 1888–91: the commercial turn and Bordeaux-Paris During 1887, the club discussed how its organisation and finances could be revised to better cope with running the Saint-Augustin vélodrome.61 The changes that were implemented were radical. 3.1.2 3.2 57 AMN, 1817-R-10. 58 Costs were reportedly FF. 5,000. See Le Véloceman, May 1, 1886, 3. 59 Paul Rousseau later founded the national sports daily Le Vélo, in 1892. 60 Robène, “La Petite Gironde.” 61 “Que font les clubs?,” V-S, June 16, 1887, 454–45. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 243 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 Reconstitution of the club, 1888 On 1 January 1888, the club changed its legal status and nature in response to the new costs and responsibilities incurred in its entrepreneurial promoting of sport. The solution chosen was to transform the old ‘société de fait ou association’ of 1878 into a ‘société civile et anonyme’, or limited company. Originally constituted with official approval from Town Hall and Interior Ministry as a simple ‘circle’, ‘club’, or ‘association’ in 1878, and therefore without proper rights to engage in commercial activities, in January 1888 the VCB reconstituted as the Société civile du Véloce-club bordelais, with certain members now owning shares, and club finances were thus refloated to face the costs of running Saint- Augustin. Communication between club and municipal authorities in December 1888 suggests how VCB finances had suffered from loss-making “courses internationals” in 1887 and 1888, from rent paid to the council for Saint-Augustin, and from costs of operating the track.62 The club requested, effectively, an annual subsidy of FF. 800 from the City, through waiver of the velodrome rent and upkeep of the track by the civic authorities. In this correspondence, and in a subsequent request in February 1889, the club presented itself as an institution of ‘utilité publique’ (or public service) deserving of subsidy: firstly, it argued, Bordeaux’s poor had received FF. 10,000 during 1878–85 from VCB race meetings; secondly, the club was supporting ‘vélocipédie militaire’ through costly conferences; thirdly, through membership of the Ligue nationale de l’éducation physique, the club was helping improve the nation’s health and vigour.63 The request concluded somewhat pathetically by describing the council as the club’s only salvation. Although initially successful, organising a sports club on ‘commercial’ lines as a ‘société civile et anonyme’ engendered complications, quarrels and final collapse of the VCB. Critically, perhaps, the club’s legal status became essentially hybrid, as both an association of friends and a grouping with significant financial dimensions. This hybridity was a source of problems: one reason behind the club’s eventual implosion in late 1891 was that accounting procedures undertaken by a succession of club members – some insufficiently expert or conscientious – overlooked payments of various debts incurred in building and managing the race track. The statutes of the re-formed club mixed the old relatively informal – but highly structured – procedures for running a mere ‘association’ and the more ‘commercial’ rules required by a ‘société civile’. Although ‘civil’ in legal terms and listed as a business, the club would benefit from limited liability for member-shareholders. As in the original ‘constitution’ of the club in 1878, the aims of the new ‘society’ were set out explicitly. These included general promotion of cycling as exercise and sport, support of the management of cycling 3.2.1 62 AMB, 1817-R-10. 63 Ibid. “Utilité publique” was a key issue in relations between public authorities and private associations before the 1901 Law on associations, as clubs could on occasion provide collective services otherwise supplied by the state. 244 Hugh Dauncey through governing bodies, development of the bicycle qua technology, use of bicycles in the army, and support of society and politics in Bordeaux.64 Organisation of the new club The change of organisation further divided club members, whose identity within the grouping could be varied: track racers, road racers, tourists and leisure riders, active and inactive members, sporting and social members, and soon. In the re-formed club there were now also ‘membres fondateurs statutaires’ (share holders) as well as ‘membres actifs’ (ordinary members). Pre-existing members who were not shareowners became simple ‘membres actifs’. The annual membership fee for both founder and ordinary members was a – relatively affordable – FF. 20. Ordinary members were not involved in running the ‘société civile’, except indirectly in general meetings debating sporting – rather than legal or financial – club activities. Two main committees operated: the Comité de direction (management) for overall policy; and a Comité sportif for competition and leisure riding. The management committee – advised by a Commission des courses and Comité sportif – decided on calendars of racing at Saint-Augustin, and other competitions – such as Bordeaux-Paris. The club now thus evidenced a new duality reflected in the two kinds of general meetings. Voting in sports general meetings was one-man-one-vote, but in the Assemblée générale constitutive, voting rights were proportional to holdings in the club’s capital: one vote for one or two ‘parts d’intérêt’ (shares); two votes for three or four shares; three votes for five or more shares. Notwithstanding the conflicting views within the club over organisation, and the money problems which led to its refounding in 1888, towards the turn of the decade, the Saint-Augustin vélodrome hosted many track races involving local, national and international riders in many events ranging from ‘duels’ (or ‘matches’) between individual riders, through team competitions, to time-trial record attempts over all distances.65 Many leading British and American riders participated in these events at the invitation of the Véloce-club, whose interest in pitting French cycling against Anglo-Saxon sport was undimmed. Bordeaux’s sporting and ‘political’ – in terms of the running of cycling nationally – rivalry with Paris played out at the velodrome in December 1889 when the ‘Match des Douze’ pitted teams of riders from Paris and Bordeaux against each other, with competition resulting in narrow defeat for Bordeaux.66 Bordeaux-Paris, 1891 As though the refounded club was not busy enough, thoughts turned to staging a road race to focus national and international attention on Bordeaux as never before. This race brought VCB and Véloce-Sport even closer as the ‘media-sport complex’ of club and newspaper worked symbiotically to plan, publicise, organ- 3.2.2 3.2.3 64 See Supplément au Véloce-Sport, 1888. 65 “Spectator,” “Courses du Véloce-Club bordelais,” 305–307. 66 “Helvétius,” “Le Match des Douze,” 880–84. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 245 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 ise and report the event.67 The inaugural Bordeaux-Paris race ran on May 23, 1891. 28 riders rode the 577 km, victory going to British rider G. P. Mills, followed by three other Britons: Monty Holbein, Selwyn Edge and J. E. L. Bates. The first French rider, the VCB’s Jiel Laval, came fifth. The race would become the doyenne of long-distance road racing in France. Much of the impetus behind its creation came from rivalry between the Véloce-Sport and other newspapers, in particular, the Paris-based generalist Le Petit Journal whose cycling columns hosted articles by famous journalist Pierre Giffard writing under the pseudonym of Jean-sans-Terre.68 Competition for readership between Véloce- Sport and Petit Journal and friendly disagreements over the present and future of French cycling made the newspapers actively seek public attention. Bordeaux- Paris in May 1891 was the device found by Paul Rousseau and Maurice Martin for the Véloce-Sport, and Giffard’s Paris-Brest-Paris, run by the Petit Journal in September 1891 helped launch a new mode of cycle competition. The year 1891 – twenty-two years after the famous Paris-Rouen race of 1869 – is recognised as the start of a new era of professional racing that culminated in the Tour de France in 1903.69 Whatever the subsequent transformations of Bordeaux-Paris – the history of the race in the 1890s at least is a palimpsest of changes in French cycle racing – the race as devised in 1891 was born of competition within France for leadership of ‘la vélocipédie’, and comparison with Britain. Piqued by negotiations between cycling clubs in Lyon and Grenoble during 1890 with the London Stanley Cycling Club about organising 12 and 24 hour ‘time-trials’ in the Haut-Rhône region, Bordeaux’s road racers apparently brought forward their ambition of doing the same, but rejected the British model of time-trials as too complex.70 Their race would be a place-to-place ride, not conceived as an individual record-attempt (along the lines of say the End-to-End in the UK, or Liverpool-London), but as a mass-start road race (with pacers). 1891–92: dissolution of the VCB; towards the second age of French cycling The apparent strengths of the VCB did not prevent the club’s collapse over an essentially financial problem which – added to other dissensions between members – became insuperable. 3.3 67 As a single element of this symbiosis, Gaston Cornié, general-secretary of the VCB and leading journalist at the Véloce-Sport was chief logistician (with Jiel Laval) of the first race. See “A.-Gaston Cornié,” V-S, January 5, 1893, 7–8. 68 Giffard was a key agent in the sports-media complex, inventing races of all kinds to promote sport and sell newspapers. See Dauncey, “Entre presse et spectacle sportif.” 69 1891 is described as marking “le grand Départ” of cycle competitions. See Durry, Véridique histoire, 26. 70 Lombard, “La Course de Bordeaux-Paris.” 246 Hugh Dauncey The – bitter – end of the VCB The final dissolution of the Véloce-club bordelais on 7 January 189271 seems in some ways surprising: the club had a strong membership and members of the ‘société civile’ were influential members of Bordeaux professional society; the Véloce-Sport newspaper provided publicity and support and its Bordeaux-based journalists were agenda-setters in national debates; riders such as Jiel Laval were national celebrities; the first Bordeaux-Paris had attracted huge interest and had been profitable.72 However, when the statutes of the Société civile et anonyme du Véloce-club bordelais were devised in late-1887, members who had shares in the club were warned that their investments were intended to cover a debt inherited from the club’s previous activities. During 1889 and 1890, because of incompetent accounting, the new club believed that this debt was the sole sum owed, but in 1891 it became clear that there were other significant outstanding sums. Despite the success of Bordeaux-Paris, financial problems were grave enough in October 1891 for the General meeting of members to delegate club officials Panajou, Laval and Sazias to investigate means of paying off the VCB’s debts. Their findings indicated that the only feasible long-term solution was the liquidation of the Société civile and the end of the club. A report drafted by ‘commissioners’ Panajou, Laval and Sazias set out the VCB’s debts (the known debts of FF. 4,400 plus FF. 4,500 of new debt), recommended freezing of all payments from club accounts (cancellation of the lease for the Saint-Augustin track, sacking of the caretaker, cancellation of all subscriptions to newspapers for the club-house, to sporting federations and so on). They explained their fruitless attempts to obtain overdue annual subscriptions or payments for shares in the Société from members, and gave a brief examination of the ‘situation morale’ of the club. This final element of their analysis showed that behind the financial difficulties, were significant problems concerning the ethos and solidarity of the association. According to the report, the club was weakened by internal dissensions, indifference, fatigue, competing cliques, lack of finance, and by inadequate club-house facilities, to the extent that only ten or so members still interested in sport or concerned for their financial interest in the ‘société civile’ were engaged in running club business.73 MM. Panajou, Laval and Sazias were three amongst the ‘dizaine de personnalités’ upon whom, they felt, the burden of running the club had fallen, and their assessment of the financial and social ill-health of the VCB revealed a malaise greater than mere problems of solvability. Thus the club as a hybrid sporting and business entity met its end, with the separation of its ‘sporting’ and ‘commercial’ elements, and some members moved immediately on to found other 3.3.1 71 “Ephémérides,” V-S, January 5, 1893, 2–3. 72 See “Echos des Clubs,” V-S, August 27, 1891, 692–93. 73 “Véloce-Club bordelais: Rapport des Commissaires.” Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 247 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 clubs in Bordeaux, notably the Club Vélocipédique de Bordeaux and the Cercle des Sports.74 New clubs formed in Bordeaux, 1892 After the VCB’s collapse a vacuum formed in Bordeaux’s cycling community, but during the mid- and late-1890s, a large number of cycling clubs were formed in Bordeaux and the Gironde department, building on the club’s achievements. In the immediate wake of the VCB’s dissolution, three clubs in particular arose, each recruiting former VCB members but catering for varying sporting and social interests. These were the Cercle des Sports (April 1892); the Club Vélocipédique de Bordeaux (Month 1892), and the Club des Cyclistes bordelais (May 1892).75 Some individuals took membership in more than one club: there was, for example, crossover between the Cercle des Sports and the Club Vélocipédique. These new clubs joined the two significant cycling associations in Bordeaux that had survived in the VCB’s shade, namely the Vélo-Touriste bordelais and Vélo-Sport girondin.76 The new club closest in spirit to the VCB was Le Club Vélocipédique de Bordeaux, which appeared socially elitist, and was run by former VCB officials.77 But the more ‘omni-sports’ Le Cercle des Sports similarly boasted a number of VCB organisers as committee members78 and was similarly socially selective. The Cercle des Sports catered for numerous sports, rather than solely cycling, but its interests in ‘le yachting’ and ‘la chasse’ and relatively high subscription fee of FF. 60 suggest its social standing.79 The cycling encouraged by the Cercle was ‘la route’ rather than track, or racing, and thus the club hosted the ‘tourist’ element of the former VCB, whose interests had arguably been somewhat marginalised by the strength of the VCB’s focus on racing.80 By focusing on general road and leisure riding, the Cercle hoped to attract both existing cyclists not interested exclusively in racing, and to entice a new membership of unattached cyclists. Nevertheless, the velodrome du Parc St.-Augustin track continued in use 3.3.2 74 See “Stake,” “Informations,” 11. 75 “Par-ci, par-là: Bordeaux,” V-S, February 25, 1892, 167. 76 Ibid. These clubs had subscriptions of FF. 12, and were thus less socially exclusive than the VCB or clubs arising immediately after it. 77 Rèche, Belle Époque à Bordeaux, 93. The Club Vélocipédique was the “moral successor” of the VCB; see Martin, Grande Enquête sportive, 51. For example, Noël of the VCB became treasurer, and Marly vice-president of the Club vélocipédique de Bordeaux, see “Communications de sociétés,” 6. Notable ex-VCB members included famous doctors Bergonié and Tissié, and racer Jiel-Laval (see Greppo, “Chroniques,” 6). Weber comments tangentially on the Club vélocipédique’s elitism: Weber, “Gymnastics and Sports,” 81. 78 See “Un Club modèle,” 327–8. In “Informations,” 9, the Cercle is termed a “societe de tourisme”. 79 An official of the very select Société nautique bordelaise patronised the Cercle des Sports. See “Informations,” 8. 80 “Un Club modèle,” 328. 248 Hugh Dauncey by the Cercle for fully paid-up members. Reports in the cycling press described the Cercle as an ‘exclusive touring society’,81 and stressed the ‘select’ luxury of its ‘club-house’82 located at the corner of the prestigious Allées d’Orléans and rue de Condé, which by end-1892 was enjoyed by 72 members for billiards and other games, socialising, meetings, and dinners.83 ‘Tourisme pratique’ was fostered through regular well attended Sunday rides,84 and during the winter sporting sociability was supported by weekly Friday evening dinners.85 Reflecting its cosmopolitan elitism, the Cercle aimed to welcome visiting ‘sportsmen’. Finally, continuing the linkage between the VCB and the state, the Cercle volunteered – funded by its members – to revise the existing ‘carte d’Etat major’ of Bordeaux, as part of a nationwide campaign.86 By 1898, however, the Cercle had already been replaced by the equally exclusive Critérium club.87 In the mid-1890s, new clubs arose in suburbs such as Le Bouscat, Bègles, Villenave d’Ornon, Lormont and Caudéran. These locations contrasted starkly with the central geography and demography of the VCB, Cercle des Sports and Club Vélocipédique. These new ‘suburban’ clubs created during the mid-1890s in Bordeaux were less socially elitist. Weber and Poyer both point out that it was Bordeaux where corporative and ‘class-based’ clubs first emerged, with memberships of clerical and commercial workers, such as the Vélo-Touriste bordelais (1890), the Vélo-Touriste commercial (1893), the Société cycliste des coiffeursparfumiers girondins (1896), and the Union cycliste des postes et télégraphes de la Gironde (1897).88 The failure of the VCB seems to have created space for expansion of cycling in Bordeaux, but equally, the co-existence of new clubs alongside the socially elitist Cercle and Club Vélocipédique shows how cycling had evolved, and how social distinction was cementing class differences in sporting associativity. In Bordeaux, cycling was moving towards Gaboriau’s second age – ‘la vitesse populaire’ – as elite groupings gradually transferred their patronage to motorised speed in the form of motorbikes, cars, and ultimately, aeroplanes.89 81 “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, February 25, 1892, 167. 82 “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, March 10, 1892, 211–12. 83 “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, December 1, 1892, 1108–109. 84 “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, August 11, 1892, 722. 85 “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, November 10, 1892, 1031. 86 “Révision de la Carte de France,” 156. 87 Martin, Grande Enquête sportive, 51. The Critérium’s president was R. Merman (see note 94). 88 Poyer, Premiers temps, 119; Weber, “Gymnastics and sports,” 81. 89 VCB members Laval, Lanneluc-Sanson and Martin subsequently led automobile and flying clubs: L’Automobile Club bordelais was founded in 1897, with a flying element in 1901, and L’Aéro-club du Sud-ouest took off in 1905. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 249 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 Conclusion: too big, too ambitious, too successful? In a formulation highlighted by MacLean, Holt and Mason characterised sports clubs as ‘quiet harbours of casual exertion and sociability’.90 But what emerges from consideration of the VCB is an impression of frenetic and often conflictual organisational and sporting activity that led the club to its early death. In early 1892, La France Vélocipédique reported the VCB’s demise, emphasising its role as one of the foremost French clubs, but suggesting it had fallen victim to ambition, exhausting itself through excessive proselytizing; it had wanted to be “too big”, “too generous” and had failed to cost its dreams.91 In 1898, former club member Maurice Martin described the VCB as “insatiable”, and of having disintegrated once it had successfully established cycling. Martin suggested that the club had fostered both “sport” itself, and “propaganda”.92 Another perspective is proposed – indirectly – by Agulhon, reflecting on contemporary Bordeaux elite society in relation to ‘sociability’ and how the nature of sociability within clubs can vary.93 Firstly, the weak sociability in traditionally ‘reserved’ Bordeaux elites would thus, in this perspective, have vitiated internal cohesion within the VCB and links from the VCB to elite society. Secondly, as we have seen, ‘internal’ sociability was weakened by factional tensions between founders, young members, share-holders, officials, ‘social’ members, racers, tourers, professionals, the ill-behaved, and so on. Thirdly, the VCB’s apparent lack of support from Bordeaux’s highest social groupings and inability to enlist consistent support from the council indicates that ‘sociability’ between club and local politics and society was deficient. The Véloce-Sport first mentions elite support for cycling after the VCB’s collapse, in 1893: “it is impossible to mention all the members of the local aristocracy who now ride bicycles [...] we are happy to note this victory over old prejudices”.94 Correspondence in the Véloce-Sport after the club’s decision to liquidate reveals critical stresses obtaining within the club because of its duality as a sportingsocial and economic entity post-1888. Former members shamed for non-payment of ‘société civile’ shares by the club’s assessors reacted angrily, highlighting the dysfunctionality of an association run as a friendship group, but with serious financial dimensions. They stressed that legal arbitration had found in their favour, and had emphasised how frequently sports clubs of this dual nature suffered maladministration.95 Running a velodrome and promoting major races as a club of amateur sports entrepreneurs led the VCB to disaster. Subsequently, 4. 90 Holt and Mason, Sport in Britain, 38; cited in MacLean, “A Gap but Not an Absence,” 1688. 91 Greppo, “Chroniques,” 2. 92 Martin, Grande Enquête sportive, 39. 93 Arnaud, “Entretien avec Maurice Agulhon,” 11–15. 94 Emphasis added. A. M. Clossman was praised for his example: V-S, May 18, 1893, 49– 50. Another mention of aristocratic support came in 1895, citing the Cercle Vélocipédique de Bordeaux: “René Merman,” 892. 95 “Véloce-club bordelais,” V-S, December 24, 1891, 1103–104. 250 Hugh Dauncey velodromes and races increasingly became commercial undertakings run by specialised entrepreneurs or by newspapers (albeit often with support from clubs).96 Other centripetal forces undermining the VCB are illustrated by the nature of clubs that arose in the vacuum its implosion created. Here again, the VCB seems to have suffered from being too precocious, too much a forerunner. Arguably since its inception, the VCB had struggled to reconcile internal groupings interested in either racing-competition or touring-leisure, and a further fault line lay in the club’s stance vis-à-vis professional riders. The key conflict appears to have been between racing and touring: as an early club bringing cycling to the masses through the ‘sport-spectacle’ of race festivals and velodromes, the VCB was intrinsically flawed, as touring was often members’ dominant personal interest: Martin, himself a fervent tourist, described Bordeaux’s sporting elite as inhabited by ‘passion for the road’.97 The three clubs created in Bordeaux in 1892 catered – separately – for these differing sporting interests, through socially differentiated institutionalised sporting sociability. Tellingly, in February 1892, the Véloce-Sport expressed the hope that if each new club held to the line it was setting, “there would be room for everyone”.98 The VCB was unarguably one of France’s foremost véloce-clubs. In 1897 it was described as a catalyst for major changes in French society, politics and economics in the mass-readership newspaper La Presse. Commenting on a recent play mocking sociability, management and finances in provincial cycling clubs, journalist Pierre Lafitte emphasized how the VCB had helped effect a French ‘sporting renaissance’, launched a major international race pitting French and English riders in fruitful competition, and stimulated and accompanied the rise of a vibrant French cycle industry.99 To return finally to the rationale for studying sporting organisations such as the VCB, we can recall MacLean’s point that “sports clubs matter because they are an essential element of civil society”;100 we hope to have given some insight into the VCB’s role in the French sports-scape during a crucial period, and as part of wider society through the intersection of associational life, notions of the good society, and the public sphere. 96 The VCB velodrome closed in 1895. Other Bordeaux velodromes – Vélodrome de Mondésir (1895–98) and Vélodrome du Bijou (1886–92) – were similarly unprofitable, although Vélodrome du Parc (1893) survived until 1923. In 1897, Le Vélo discussed crisis in the velodrome sector, commenting in passing on the problematic management of the Jarnac track, run jointly by the Sport Vélocipédique de Jarnac with its associated société civile: “Lacroix du Maine,” “Sort des Vélodromes,” 2. 97 Martin, Grande Enquête, 45. 98 Emphasis added. “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux,” V-S, February 25, 1892, 167. 99 Lafitte, “Clubs de province,” 9. Lafitte formerly wrote for the Véloce-Sport; from 1897, he was founder-editor of the influential La Vie au grand air sports magazine. The play was Auguste Germain’s L’Étranger. 100 MacLean, “A Gap but Not an Absence,” 1692. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 251 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 References Agulhon, Maurice. Le Cercle dans la France bourgeoise 1815–48: étude d’une mutation de sociabilité. Paris: Armand Colin, 1977. “Argus.” Le Figaro, May 8, 1884. Arnaud, Pierre, and Jean Camy. La Naissance du mouvement sportif associatif en France. Lyon: PUL, 1986. Arnaud, Pierre. “La sociabilité sportive. Jalons pour une histoire du mouvement sportif associatif.” In Les Athlètes de la République. Gymnastique, sport et idéologie républicaine 1870– 1914, edited by Pierre Arnaud, 359–84. Toulouse: Privat, 1987. Arnaud, Pierre. “Entretien avec Maurice Agulhon.” Sport-Histoire no. 1 (1988): 11–15. B., Louis. “Courses de Vélocipèdes au Parc-Bordelais, 1 et 2 novembre 1868.” Le Bordelais, November 8, 1868. Reproduced in Le Véloce-Sport, February 21, 1895. Bonin, Hubert. “Les Elites économiques des fins-de-siècle en Aquitaine.” In Les Élites fins-desiècle XIXe–XXe siècles, edited by Sylvie Guillaume, 97–110. Talence: MSHA, 1992. Callède, Jean-Pierre. Histoire du sport en France du Stade bordelais au SBUC 1889–1939. Talence: MSHA, 1993. Charles, Albert. La Révolution de 1848 et la 2nde République à Bordeaux et dans le département de la Gironde. Bordeaux: Delmas, 1945. “Un Club modèle.” Le Véloce-Sport, April 21, 1892. “Communications de sociétés.” La France vélocipédique, January 25, 1892. Coquelle, Roger, and Victor Breyer. La Course classique. Les Géants de la route. Bordeaux-Paris. Paris: Brocherioux, 1899. Dauncey, Hugh. “Le Vélo Pyrénéen et le Bulletin officiel du Véloce-Club béarnais: deux conceptions antagonistes du sport.” In Les Voix du sport. La Presse sportive à la Belle époque, edited by Philippe Tétart and Sylvain Villaret, 167–85. Anglet: Atlantica, 2010. Dauncey, Hugh. “Entre presse et spectacle sportif, l’itinéraire pionnier de Pierre Giffard.” Le Temps des Médias 9, no. 2 (2007): 35–46. Descamps, Danielle. “La Vie sportive à Pau 1900–1920.” PhD diss., Université de Pau, 1979. Desgraves, Louis, and Georges Dupeux, eds. Bordeaux au XIXe siècle. Bordeaux: FHSO, 1969. Duffort, Norbert. Aspects de la vie culturelle bordelaise aux XIXe siècle. Bordeaux: MSHA, 1980. Dupeux, Georges. “L’immigration britannique à Bordeaux au XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle.” Revue historique de Bordeaux et du département de la Gironde (1974): 233–41. Durry, Jean. La véridique histoire des Géants de la route. Paris: Edita/Denoel, 1973. “Echos des clubs.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 23, 1890. “Echos des Clubs.” “Véloce-Club bordelais: Rapport de la course de Bordeaux à Paris courue le 23 mai 1891.” Le Véloce-Sport, August 27, 1891. “Ephémérides.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 5, 1893. Gaboriau, Philippe. “Les trois âges du vélo en France.” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d’Histoire 29, no. 1 (1991): 17–34. “A.-Gaston Cornié.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 5, 1893. Grange, Annie. L’Apprentissage de l’association 1850–1914. Paris: Mutuelle française, 1993. Greppo, Francisque. “Chroniques.” La France Vélocipédique, February 10, 1892. Guillaume, Pierre, ed. Histoire des Bordelais II. Bordeaux: FHSO, 2002. “Helvétius.” “Le Match des Douze.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 5, 1889. Holt, Richard. Sport and Society in Modern France. London: Macmillan, 1981. Holt, Richard. “France.” In Making Sports History. Disciplines, Identities and the Historiography of Sport, edited by Pascal Delheye, 34–37. London: Routledge, 2014. Holt, Richard, and Tony Mason. Sport in Britain, 1945–2000. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Hubscher, Ronald, Jean Durry, and Bernard Jeu. L’Histoire en mouvements: le sport dans la société française (XIXe–XXe siècles. Paris: Armand Colin, 1992. “Informations.” La France vélocipédique, April 10, 1892. “Informations.” La France vélocipédique, July 10, 1892. Jullian, Camille. Histoire de Bordeaux depuis les origines jusqu’en 1895. Bordeaux: Feret et fils, 1895. 252 Hugh Dauncey Kobayashi, Keizo. Histoire du vélocipède de Drais à Michaux 1817–1870. Mythes et réalités. Tokyo: Bicycle Culture Centre, 1993. “Lacroix du Maine.” “Le sort des Vélodromes.” Le Vélo, November 30, 1897. Lafitte, Pierre. “Les Clubs de province.” La Presse, January 14, 1897. Lombard, Maurice. “La Course de Bordeaux-Paris.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 26, 1891. MacLean, Malcolm. “Evolving Modern Sport.” Journal of Sport History 35, no. 1 (2008): 49– 55. MacLean, Malcolm. “A Gap but Not an Absence. Clubs and Sports Historiography.” International Journal of the History of Sport 30 (2013): 1687–98. Martin, Maurice. Grande Enquête sportive du journal Le Vélo: 8300km à bicyclette. Paris: Brocherioux, 1898. “Montvalent.” “René Merman.” Le Véloce-Sport, October 3, 1895. “Pantagruel.” “Manifestation Unioniste.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 24, 1889. “Par-ci, par-là: Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1892. “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, March 10, 1892. “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, August 11, 1892. “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, November 10, 1892. “Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 1, 1892. Poyer, Alex. Les premiers Temps des véloce-clubs. Paris, L’Harmattan, 2003. Poyer, Alex. “Un tour de France cycliste des archives départementales et municipales.” In Le sport de l’archive à l’histoire, edited by Françoise Bosman, Patrick Clastres, and Paul Dietschy, 102–19. Besançon: PU Franche-Comté, 2006. “Que font les clubs?” Le Véloce-Sport, June 16, 1887. “Que font les clubs?” Le Véloce-Sport, December 20, 1888. Rèche, Albert. La Belle Époque à Bordeaux. Mémoire du quotidien. Bordeaux: Éditions Sud- Ouest, 1991. “La Révision de la Carte de France.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1892. Robène, Luc. “La Petite Gironde et l’information sportive dans le Sud-Ouest (1872–1913).” In La Presse régionale et le sport, edited by Philippe Tétart, 163–92. Rennes: PU Rennes, 2015. “Spectator.” “Courses du Véloce-Club bordelais au Vélodrome de Saint-Augustin le 19 mai 1889.” Le Véloce-Sport, May 23, 1889. “Stake.” “Informations.” La France Vélocipédique, November 10, 1891. “Sun.” “Admission des Dames.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1886. Supplément au Véloce-Sport, 1888. “Statuts de la Société civile et anonyme Le Véloce-Club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 7, 1889. Szymanski, Stefan. “A Theory of the Evolution of Modern Sport.” Journal of Sport History 35, no. 1 (2008): 1–32. Thibault, Jacques. “Sociétés et clubs sportifs dans la Société française avant 1901.” In Actes du Colloque Sport et Société, edited by CIEREC, 131–46. Saint-Etienne: Université de Saint- Étienne, 1981. “Véloce-club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 21, 1886. “Véloce-Club bordelais. Séance des deux comités.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 6, 1890. “Véloce-Club bordelais: Rapport des Commissaires nommés par l’Assemblée générale du 14 octobre 1891, à l’effet de rechercher, avec pleins pouvoirs, les voies et moyens propres à liquider le passif de la Société civile.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 17, 1891. “Véloce-club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 24, 1891. Weber, Eugen. “Pierre de Coubertin and the introduction of organised sport in France.” Journal of Contemporary History 5, no. 2 (1970): 3–26. Weber, Eugen. “Gymnastics and Sports in Fin-de-Siècle France: Opium of the Classes?” The American Historical Review 76, no. 1 (1971): 70–98. Weber, Eugen. “Préface.” In Les Athlètes de la République. Gymnastique, sport et idéologie républicaine 1870–1914, edited by Pierre Arnaud, 1–8. Toulouse: Privat, 1987. Cycling Sociability and Sport in Belle Époque France 253 Stadion, Bd. 44, 2/2020 Archives Bordeaux Archives départementales de la Gironde (ADG) – IR-106. – IR-112. Archives municipales de Bordeaux (AMB) – 1817-R-10. Periodicals La France vélocipédique. La Presse. Le Bordelais. Le Vélo. Le Véloce-Sport. Le Véloceman. Internet Gallica, www.gallica.fr (accessed October 24, 2020). République Française. Journal officiel.gouv.fr. Associations, fondations et fonds de dotation, www.jo urnal-officiel.gouv.fr/associations/ (accessed October 24, 2020). 254 Hugh Dauncey

Abstract

The short-lived Véloce-club bordelais (1878-92) was one of France’s leading Belle époque cycling clubs. Although provincial, it was influential in developing cycle-sport nationally, including creating Bordeaux-Paris (1891), one of the founding races of cycling as a developing sport. Study of the internal life of the club shows how its social and sporting identity negotiated centrifugual and centripital forces within the institutional framework of associationism. Searching for the best organisational model for cycling sport and associativity in a period of rapid change in French sport and society, the club was refounded on a number of occasions but, despite many achievements, ultimately collapsed. As an early pioneer club, the Véloce-club bordelais (VCB) was partly a victim of its own success: having struggled to create a new ecosystem of cycling as sport and sociability, changing interests of Bordeaux’s social elite in new, motorised pursuits, or to cycle-touring rather than racing, removed the raison d’être of the club. The club’s demise subsequently created space in the sports-scape for new cycling clubs and other sports associations. Detailed analysis of club activities, internal organisation and management, membership and finances is enabled by its symbiotic relationship with the Véloce-Sport newspaper, which published and discussed much of the club’s sporting, social and administrative life. Close interpretation of the VCB’s brief but intense history shows how sporting sociability intersected with local government, politics and society and how the internal functioning of sports associations in France’s Belle époque demonstrates the significance of sports clubs as part of civil society.

References
Agulhon, Maurice. Le Cercle dans la France bourgeoise 1815–48: étude d’une mutation de sociabilité. Paris: Armand Colin, 1977.
“Argus.” Le Figaro, May 8, 1884.
Arnaud, Pierre, and Jean Camy. La Naissance du mouvement sportif associatif en France. Lyon: PUL, 1986.
Arnaud, Pierre. “La sociabilité sportive. Jalons pour une histoire du mouvement sportif associatif.” In Les Athlètes de la République. Gymnastique, sport et idéologie républicaine 1870–1914, edited by Pierre Arnaud, 359–84. Toulouse: Privat, 1987.
Arnaud, Pierre. “Entretien avec Maurice Agulhon.” Sport-Histoire no. 1 (1988): 11–15.
B., Louis. “Courses de Vélocipèdes au Parc-Bordelais, 1 et 2 novembre 1868.” Le Bordelais, November 8, 1868. Reproduced in Le Véloce-Sport, February 21, 1895.
Bonin, Hubert. “Les Elites économiques des fins-de-siècle en Aquitaine.” In Les Élites fins-de-siècle XIXe–XXe siècles, edited by Sylvie Guillaume, 97–110. Talence: MSHA, 1992.
Callède, Jean-Pierre. Histoire du sport en France du Stade bordelais au SBUC 1889–1939. Talence: MSHA, 1993.
Charles, Albert. La Révolution de 1848 et la 2nde République à Bordeaux et dans le département de la Gironde. Bordeaux: Delmas, 1945.
“Un Club modèle.” Le Véloce-Sport, April 21, 1892.
“Communications de sociétés.” La France vélocipédique, January 25, 1892.
Coquelle, Roger, and Victor Breyer. La Course classique. Les Géants de la route. Bordeaux-Paris. Paris: Brocherioux, 1899.
Dauncey, Hugh. “Le Vélo Pyrénéen et le Bulletin officiel du Véloce-Club béarnais: deux conceptions antagonistes du sport.” In Les Voix du sport. La Presse sportive à la Belle époque, edited by Philippe Tétart and Sylvain Villaret, 167–85. Anglet: Atlantica, 2010.
Dauncey, Hugh. “Entre presse et spectacle sportif, l’itinéraire pionnier de Pierre Giffard.” Le Temps des Médias 9, no. 2 (2007): 35–46.
Descamps, Danielle. “La Vie sportive à Pau 1900–1920.” PhD diss., Université de Pau, 1979.
Desgraves, Louis, and Georges Dupeux, eds. Bordeaux au XIXe siècle. Bordeaux: FHSO, 1969.
Duffort, Norbert. Aspects de la vie culturelle bordelaise aux XIXe siècle. Bordeaux: MSHA, 1980.
Dupeux, Georges. “L’immigration britannique à Bordeaux au XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle.” Revue historique de Bordeaux et du département de la Gironde (1974): 233–41.
Durry, Jean. La véridique histoire des Géants de la route. Paris: Edita/Denoel, 1973.
“Echos des clubs.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 23, 1890.
“Echos des Clubs.” “Véloce-Club bordelais: Rapport de la course de Bordeaux à Paris courue le 23 mai 1891.” Le Véloce-Sport, August 27, 1891.
“Ephémérides.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 5, 1893.
Gaboriau, Philippe. “Les trois âges du vélo en France.” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d’Histoire 29, no. 1 (1991): 17–34.
“A.-Gaston Cornié.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 5, 1893.
Grange, Annie. L’Apprentissage de l’association 1850–1914. Paris: Mutuelle française, 1993.
Greppo, Francisque. “Chroniques.” La France Vélocipédique, February 10, 1892.
Guillaume, Pierre, ed. Histoire des Bordelais II. Bordeaux: FHSO, 2002.
“Helvétius.” “Le Match des Douze.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 5, 1889.
Holt, Richard. Sport and Society in Modern France. London: Macmillan, 1981.
Holt, Richard. “France.” In Making Sports History. Disciplines, Identities and the Historiography of Sport, edited by Pascal Delheye, 34–37. London: Routledge, 2014.
Holt, Richard, and Tony Mason. Sport in Britain, 1945–2000. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000.
Hubscher, Ronald, Jean Durry, and Bernard Jeu. L’Histoire en mouvements: le sport dans la société française (XIXe–XXe siècles. Paris: Armand Colin, 1992.
“Informations.” La France vélocipédique, April 10, 1892.
“Informations.” La France vélocipédique, July 10, 1892.
Jullian, Camille. Histoire de Bordeaux depuis les origines jusqu’en 1895. Bordeaux: Feret et fils, 1895.
Kobayashi, Keizo. Histoire du vélocipède de Drais à Michaux 1817–1870. Mythes et réalités. Tokyo: Bicycle Culture Centre, 1993.
“Lacroix du Maine.” “Le sort des Vélodromes.” Le Vélo, November 30, 1897.
Lafitte, Pierre. “Les Clubs de province.” La Presse, January 14, 1897.
Lombard, Maurice. “La Course de Bordeaux-Paris.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 26, 1891.
MacLean, Malcolm. “Evolving Modern Sport.” Journal of Sport History 35, no. 1 (2008): 49–55.
MacLean, Malcolm. “A Gap but Not an Absence. Clubs and Sports Historiography.” International Journal of the History of Sport 30 (2013): 1687–98.
Martin, Maurice. Grande Enquête sportive du journal Le Vélo: 8300km à bicyclette. Paris: Brocherioux, 1898.
“Montvalent.” “René Merman.” Le Véloce-Sport, October 3, 1895.
“Pantagruel.” “Manifestation Unioniste.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 24, 1889.
“Par-ci, par-là: Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1892.
“Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, March 10, 1892.
“Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, August 11, 1892.
“Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, November 10, 1892.
“Par-ci, par-là. Bordeaux.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 1, 1892.
Poyer, Alex. Les premiers Temps des véloce-clubs. Paris, L’Harmattan, 2003.
Poyer, Alex. “Un tour de France cycliste des archives départementales et municipales.” In Le sport de l’archive à l’histoire, edited by Françoise Bosman, Patrick Clastres, and Paul Dietschy, 102–19. Besançon: PU Franche-Comté, 2006.
“Que font les clubs?” Le Véloce-Sport, June 16, 1887.
“Que font les clubs?” Le Véloce-Sport, December 20, 1888.
Rèche, Albert. La Belle Époque à Bordeaux. Mémoire du quotidien. Bordeaux: Éditions Sud-Ouest, 1991.
“La Révision de la Carte de France.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1892.
Robène, Luc. “La Petite Gironde et l’information sportive dans le Sud-Ouest (1872–1913).” In La Presse régionale et le sport, edited by Philippe Tétart, 163–92. Rennes: PU Rennes, 2015.
“Spectator.” “Courses du Véloce-Club bordelais au Vélodrome de Saint-Augustin le 19 mai 1889.” Le Véloce-Sport, May 23, 1889.
“Stake.” “Informations.” La France Vélocipédique, November 10, 1891.
“Sun.” “Admission des Dames.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 25, 1886.
Supplément au Véloce-Sport, 1888. “Statuts de la Société civile et anonyme Le Véloce-Club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 7, 1889.
Szymanski, Stefan. “A Theory of the Evolution of Modern Sport.” Journal of Sport History 35, no. 1 (2008): 1–32.
Thibault, Jacques. “Sociétés et clubs sportifs dans la Société française avant 1901.” In Actes du Colloque Sport et Société, edited by CIEREC, 131–46. Saint-Etienne: Université de Saint-Étienne, 1981.
“Véloce-club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, January 21, 1886.
“Véloce-Club bordelais. Séance des deux comités.” Le Véloce-Sport, February 6, 1890.
“Véloce-Club bordelais: Rapport des Commissaires nommés par l’Assemblée générale du 14 octobre 1891, à l’effet de rechercher, avec pleins pouvoirs, les voies et moyens propres à liquider le passif de la Société civile.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 17, 1891.
“Véloce-club bordelais.” Le Véloce-Sport, December 24, 1891.
Weber, Eugen. “Pierre de Coubertin and the introduction of organised sport in France.” Journal of Contemporary History 5, no. 2 (1970): 3–26.
Weber, Eugen. “Gymnastics and Sports in Fin-de-Siècle France: Opium of the Classes?” The American Historical Review 76, no. 1 (1971): 70–98.
Weber, Eugen. “Préface.” In Les Athlètes de la République. Gymnastique, sport et idéologie républicaine 1870–1914, edited by Pierre Arnaud, 1–8. Toulouse: Privat, 1987.
Archives
Bordeaux
Archives départementales de la Gironde (ADG)
- – IR-106.
- – IR-112.
Archives municipales de Bordeaux (AMB)
- – 1817-R-10.
Periodicals
La France vélocipédique.
La Presse.
Le Bordelais.
Le Vélo.
Le Véloce-Sport.
Le Véloceman.
Internet
Gallica, www.gallica.fr (accessed October 24, 2020).
République Française. Journal officiel.gouv.fr. Associations, fondations et fonds de dotation, www.journal-officiel.gouv.fr/associations/ (accessed October 24, 2020).

Zusammenfassung

STADION ist die einzige mehrsprachige Zeitschrift zur Sportgeschichte auf internationaler Ebene.

Bekannte Historiker, aber auch Vertreter anderer Disziplinen, wie etwa Anthropologie, Archäologie, Pädagogik, Soziologie oder Philosophie, veröffentlichen Beiträge.

STADION richtet sich sowohl an Fachwissenschaftler als auch an alle, die aus historiografischer Perspektive um ein vertieftes und differenziertes Verständnis von Sport, Spiel, Leibeserziehung und Körperkultur bemüht sind, insbesondere auch an Publizisten und Journalisten.