Afrikanischer Sozialismus und Bodenrecht. Das Beispiel Tansania

Tansania ist einer der ärmsten Staaten der Erde ; seine Wirtschaft basiert auf der Landwirtschaft, deren Anteil am Bruttosozialprodukt bei über 50 010, an der Aus­ fuhr bei 80 % liegt, während es die Industrie nur auf weniger als 10 % bringt1• Realistisch genug geht die tansanische Regierung deshalb davon aus, daß die Ent­ wicklung des Landes Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft heißt, deren wichtigste Pro­ duktionsfaktoren Arbeit und Boden sind. Von dem Boden, dem "Geschenk Gottes an die Menschen" , sollen nicht einige wenige, sondern die ganze Nation profitieren. Dazu muß auch das Bodenrecht die Voraussetzungen liefern, d. h., es muß den An­ forderungen des "afrikanischen Sozialismus" tansanischer Prägung ( " Ujamaa ") ent­ sprechen, der es ebenso ablehnt, eine glückliche Gesellschaft durch "Ausbeutung des Menschen durch Menschen" wie durch "ständigen Kampf des Menschen gegen den Menschen" aufzubauen2• Bereits hieraus mag man erkennen, daß es nicht nur wirtschaftliche Gesichtspunkte sind, denen die tansanische (Agrar-)Politik folgt, sondern es ist das Programm des "Ujamaa"3 . Im folgenden sollen Programm und tatsächliche Entwicklung des Bo­ denrechtes einander gegenübergestellt werden und einige vorsichtige Folge­ rungen gezogen werden.

Völlig wurde -ein in Deutschland selbst unbekanntes Prinzip. Die unter dieser Verord nung gewährten Eigentumstitel blieben die einzigen, die je in diesem Land vergeben wurden. Am Ende der Kolonialzeit standen etwa 1 % des Landes in Eigentum wei ßer Siedler32• Immerhin hatte die deutsche Kolonialzeit eine indirekte Wirkung für die weitere bodenrechtliche Entwicklung: Durch den Mandatsvertrag wurde der britischen Kolonialverwaltung ausdrücklich aufgegeben, das afrikanische Bodenrecht zu ach ten und die Interessen der " eingeborenen" Bevölkerung zu wahren33• Um diesem Auftrag nachzukommen und gleichzeitig die Rechte weißer Siedler festzulegen, wurde 1923 die Land Ordinance34 erlassen, die mit ihren nachträg lichen Änderungen bis heute die Grundlage des tansanischen Bodenrechtes darstellt. Nachdem in § 3 alles Land zu " Staatsland" erklärt worden ist ( " public lands"), das nach § 4 unter der Kontrolle des Gouverneurs35 steht, ohne dessen Genehmi gung keinerlei Rechte am Boden gültig sind, spaltet § 5 das Bodenrecht in zwei Bereiche auf : den von den weiteren Bestimmungen der Land Ordinance (mitunter " statute lands" genannten) Boden und den übrigen, vom traditionellen Recht, geregelten. Aus dem Boden kann der Gouverneur Besitzrechte ( " rights of occu pancy") vergeben ( § 6) ; wo er solche Besitzrechte vergeben hat, ist dieser Boden eben "statute land". Boden wird nur vergeben unter der Bedingung, daß er bebaut und entwickelt wird ( " development conditions'(36), werden diese Bedingungen nicht erfüllt, so kann der Boden wieder entzogen werden ( § 10   preservation of some endangered species without solving the economic problems of the countries concerned. The policy of conservation was supported by statutes and regulations at the regional level, creation of protected areas and regulations providing for hunting and wildlife. -After independence, the African countries had to reconsider the problem on a regional level. After several intermediate steps the Bukavu Conference of 1953, followed by the Arusha Symposium, 1961, settled the problem of conservation in terms of ecology and rational use of natural resources. FAO, UNESCO and the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources performed valuable services. As a result, use and conservation seemed compatible. The economic needs of the developing countries were supposed to be automatically met in the process of conservation. The Algiers Convention is based on this concept. Until now it has been ratified by 9 African states. It settles the problems of conservation of renewable resources by means of general provisions without sanctions and leaves the essential burden to national regulation and legislation. The second part of this article deals with cooperation between regional and inter national levels which was strengthened by the Stockholm Conference (June 1972). It was an eHort to conciliate contradictory interests of developing and developed countries, i. e. the contradiction between the needs of development and conserva tion. Our focus is on the influence the developing countries had upon recommen dations and institutions of this international conference. The conciliation of opposing interests and the establishment of international cooperation within the UN Organization may eventually create an international system related to the problems of environment for the international community as a whole.

African Socialism and Land Law -The Case of Tanzania
By HEINZ JOACHlM JACOBSOHN The article deals with the development of land law in Tanzania. The government has committed itself to African Socialism ("Ujamaa " ). In the field of land law this means that land should be held communally, that is to say, farmers should live and work together in so called "Ujamaa villages " , sharing work and profit. Although the colonial rulers did not interfere with indigenous land law, their policies in fact did promote the development of individual ownership of land, even in the traditional sector. Since independence, the government under the leadership of Julius Nyerere tries to persuade the farmers of the advantages of communal ownership, instead of forcing them to accept the policy. But up to now this has proved to be a difficult task. Despite the government's efforts, in the better-off parts of the country the development to individual ownership can still be traced. It was also shown that in Tanzania today there is hardly any chance of forcing the farmers to join the Ujamaa-Movement. In fact, no far-reaching land reform law can be found ; the few existing ones only apply to very limited sectors. The aim of the paper is to show that Tanzania's way of land reform is a peculiar one : it does provide for the basic requirements of land reform, but it leaves it up to the people themselves to change the land laws at the grass -root level, thus making their own reform, and that this way is hindered by more than one obstacle.

Constitutional Developments in Three Francophone African States 1970
By KURT RABL The year 1970 has seen far reaching constitutional reforms in three Francophone African states -Upper Volta, Dahomey, and the Congo. Their new constitutions are compared -with regard to the manner in which they were worked out and put into operation, as weil es with regard to their structure, aims and results. This comparison reveals striking dissimilarities under the first, but remarkable affinities under the second aspect. In a way, all new statutes are designed to foster the proc ess of "nation-building " , which obviously did not progress satisfactorily under the former regimes modelled according to the French constitution of 1958. Now, new forms of constitutional structure emerge. Specifically, is has to be noted that, under every of the new systems, a different type of public servant is designed to play the leading part in the State's life : in Upper Volta, it is the deputy of the National Assembly; in the Congo, it is the member of the Marxist-Leninist Party ; in Dahomey, it is the army officer. As to the ultimate goal of the State's political existence, the sources mention African Unity (Upper Volta, Dahomey) or Proleta rian Internationalism (Congo). All constitutions stress the necessity of "nation building " by strictly prohibiting special privileges as weil as discrimination with regard to religious and/or ethnic groups. Further, it has to be noted that the new constitutions do not only contain sentences of a regulative, but also of a descriptive character. It needs careful analysis if it has to be ascertained which of these two characteristics is prevalent in a given rule. This, however, does not appear to be a unique quality of these three constitutions, but a general feature of the constitutional law of modern States, but the three constitutions considered provide especially vivid ex am pies in this respect.
The Effectiveness of the Judiciary in the Francophone States of West Africa

By GERn SPITTLER
The poverty among W'est African peasants excludes, to a large extent, the execution of legal claims. Therefore courts carrying executive power have little influence. The majority of the cases are settled by other authorities or by private persons. The government concentrates its jurisdiction on the protection of political loyalty and the enforcement of its economic claims. It shows little interest in other aspects. During the colonial period the so-called "justice indigene " in French West Africa was officially in the hands of the French colonial administration. But, in effect, the chiefs continued to control most of the civil jurisdiction, even the penal authority remained partly in their hands. The colonial administration was primarily interested in political stability and the assertion of its economic claims. The so-called "Indigenat " , providing that disobedience against the official autho-